Unions
in sentence
628 examples of Unions in a sentence
That means, of course, considering the role of teacher
unions
as well – an issue that elicits very different reactions from the left and the right.
Modern progressives, surveying the economic and political landscape of the past few years, see the potential for another assault on big business, marrying populist outrage with the political muscle of the organized left, such as labor
unions.
Just as with the early industrialists, moreover, teacher
unions
in many countries have enough political clout to resist reforms that erode their monopoly power.
Some
unions
are coming to understand the need for change, or at least concession.
In Illinois, the teacher
unions
recently backed a bill that included rules making it harder to strike and easier to get rid of underperforming teachers.
Of course, merely loosening unions’ grip on policy, and finding ways for teachers and schools to compete over who can provide the best education, will not deliver the knowledge and skills that modern workers need.
Underground
unions
– which mount demonstrations and strikes to protect workers’ rights, while refusing to cooperate with the regime’s official
unions
– have also criticized the election.
But the poor, it is claimed, are still better off than they would have been had the gap been artificially narrowed by trade
unions
or governments.
But Italian voters overwhelmingly rejected his approach, in part because austerity did not appear to extend to elected officials or to major parts of the large ecosystem of departments, enterprises, and
unions
that surround government.
They could begin that long process by taking the following steps:hire staff based solely on merit;involve both elites and masses (professional associations, trade unions, NGOs, indeed all of civil society) in formulating policies.
This involves consolidating institutions such as regional Organisations for Economic Cooperation, African Payments Unions, regional clearing houses, and compensatory mechanisms;The AU must secure an AAA bond rating in order to tap international capital markets on the most favorable terms, which includes issuing bonds on African exchanges.
Privatization, market liberalization, the opening of closed professions, and government downsizing involve conflicts with powerful vested interests, such as businesses in protected industries, public-sector unions, or influential lobbies.
With the economy likely to grow substantially as Chinese firms’ competitiveness deteriorates due to rising wages, it is hard to imagine that German trade
unions
will not demand hefty real-wage increases as well.
The transition to a service economy often went hand in hand with the decline of unions, employment protections, and norms of pay equity, greatly weakening workers’ bargaining power and job security.
By deregulating finance and trade, intensifying competition, and weakening unions, governments created the theoretical conditions that demanded redistribution from winners to losers.
The main problem, however, is that Obama has been unable to confront, and put to rest, US labor unions’ fear-driven hostility to trade.
Yet there is little in the opposition by fearful
unions
and greedy business lobbies that Obama could not beat back with compelling arguments.
Unfortunately, the Obama administration’s decision to put the
unions
ahead of secured debt-holders in the orchestrated Chrysler bankruptcy risks rupturing the basic fabric of credit markets.
But the last election in the US ushered in a Democratic congressional majority that is indebted to trade-fearing unions, thus constraining the pro-trade President Barack Obama.
In the US and elsewhere, the Doha round has sparked widespread opposition from workers and trade unions, and has elicited only tepid support from the wider public.
And it does not undermine social standards, because legal migrants have recourse to trade
unions
and the law.
They were joined by well-organized trade
unions
that helped the movement reach a critical mass, at least temporarily.
Yet, because Macron had cut himself off from the country’s “corps intermédiaires” – including mayors, regional representatives, and trade
unions
– it took him far too long to see that the anger in France’s provinces, small towns, and rural areas was coming to a boil.
Look at the European model: cling to the status quo, don't make waves, workers councils, Mitbestimmung, unions, and masses of well-paid unemployed people.
In the US,
unions
are largely irrelevant and decentralized deal making between firms and workers is the rule.
Within a year, Polish workers were striking for the right to establish independent trade unions, staging two weeks of sit-ins at state-owned factories to achieve their goal.
Concerted efforts – involving national and local governments, universities, workers’ unions, political parties, environmental groups, young people, women’s groups, lawyers, and the business community – can change the world.
At a minimum, currency
unions
require a confederation with far more centralized power over taxation and other policies than European leaders envision for the eurozone.
A logical corollary of the criteria set forth by Kenen and Obstfeld, and even of Mundell’s labor-mobility criterion, is that currency
unions
cannot survive without political legitimacy, most likely involving region-wide popular elections.
In the United States, businesses and labor
unions
use “fair trade” laws to construct what economist Joseph Stiglitz calls “barbed-wire barriers to imports.”
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