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Unions in sentence

628 examples of Unions in a sentence

Strange alliances between the romantic and nationalist right, the green left, and self-interested parties such as trade unions appear to oppose free trade.
In pursuit of protectionist objectives, for example, trade unions may wave the human rights banner of "high" labor standards, but in fact they are merely trying to boost wages to uncompetitive levels.
President Barack Obama’s decision to introduce steep duties (set at 35% in the first year) in response to a US International Trade Commission ruling (sought by US labor unions) has been widely criticized as stoking the protectionist fires.
Thus, Peru saw its labor legislation virtually rewritten by United States Congressmen indebted to American unions before the US-Peru PTA was concluded.
Cooperatives, credit unions, and new forms of micro-financing could form networks that would ensure greater accessibility.
But what seems clear is that the ECB used the October press conference to warn politicians, trade unions, and the markets that its long period of monetary-policy inactivity is coming to an end.
Greek trade unions know what this means – and are in the streets.
Job protection benefits the employed at the expense of the unemployed, and some unions, notably the most militant, are strongly opposed to greater flexibility, and have already threatened to block liberalizing measures in the streets.
The pragmatic course, therefore, was to set general objectives during the campaign, and, after the elections, to encourage the unions to make the first proposals.
Labor unions have been just as disagreeable as chaebol bosses.
When this took off in January 1998, the labor unions did accept the inevitability of layoffs.
Because no social safety net protects workers, the government is finding it next to impossible to keep unions as partners in its corporatist design.
In the 1950’s, Japanese ministers and industrialists sometimes relied on nationalist elements of Yakuza groups to quash unions and socialists.
The received wisdom about currency unions was that their optimality could be assessed on two grounds.
But this overlooked a crucial feature of monetary unions: free capital mobility and elimination of currency risk – indispensable attributes of a currency area – could be (and were) the source of asymmetric shocks.
Currency unions, in other words, must worry about endogenous as much as exogenous shocks.
A second insight from the case of the eurozone, advanced by the economist Paul de Grauwe, is that currency unions can be prone to self-reinforcing liquidity crises, because some vulnerable parts (Greece, Spain, Portugal, and Italy at various points) lack their own currencies.
But its development so far has forever changed and improved our understanding of currency unions.
Here, I anticipate that national governments may take a back seat to businesses, subnational governments, labor unions, and educational and non-profit institutions in driving progress, especially in places hit by political fragmentation and a backlash against the political establishment.
Macroeconomic models have tended to neglect the role of institutions, ranging from trade unions and employer associations to property-rights regimes and mechanisms for redistribution.
For example, legal markets are dominated by rich lawyers, schools are controlled by teachers’ unions, and the medical sector is influenced by powerful doctors, resulting in high business costs that also hamper industrial development.
And labor laws would be revised to strengthen the role of unions.
The pessimistic argument ignored the fact that by lowering the cost of goods, machines increased workers’ real wages – enabling them to buy more – and that the rise in labor productivity enabled employers (often under pressure from trade unions) to pay more per worker.
In other political unions, cohesion is maintained through a strong common identity, but often also through permanent fiscal transfers between richer and poorer regions that even out incomes ex post.
Desperate countries often consider such unions to be the best way out of an emergency.
In this sense, the cartel would double as an international workers’ union, lending bargaining power to employees in countries where unions are weak or not permitted at all.
The new members of his team were quick to distance themselves from some of the most controversial and confrontational elements of the Socialist's program, including proposed legislation that would greatly increase the power of labor unions, hurting Chile's ability to compete internationally and reducing its economic growth potential.
But it is not a smooth road, because it threatens resistance by the capital-exporting countries’ taxpayers and trade unions against the outflow of capital.
In November, several unions organized rallies where demonstrators cursed the ruling centre-right government and invoked the Ceausescu era as one relatively good and secure.
Yet, as workers and unions step up their protests against privatization, market reforms, inflation, corruption or unemployment they seem to forget the taxes they withhold daily from state or local councils.
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