Should
in sentence
40487 examples of Should in a sentence
The possibility of degrading Iran’s nuclear weapons program through military action cannot be totally discounted, although it
should
of course be the last option and would be immensely risky even if militarily possible.
As an organ of the EU, the EIB
should
be pursuing an ethical investment policy.
For example, British Petroleum (BP), to its credit, has disinvested from Iran on ethical grounds, an example that other European firms
should
follow.
We
should
not take these estimates too seriously.
Should
they be programmed to swerve to avoid hitting a child running across the road, even if that will put their passengers at risk?
One sparrow objects that they
should
first think about how to tame the owl; but the others are impatient to get the exciting new project underway.
Let’s suspend our disbelief, then, and try to imagine what Europe could and
should
be doing to tackle some of the most far-reaching and obstinate policy challenges that will determine whether the next 50 years are as constructive as the last.
On conflict and security issues, Europe
should
be advancing to a new phase in which it takes much clearer and unambiguous positions on issues ranging from nuclear proliferation to sanctions against Burma’s military regime.
The aim
should
be that “soft power” instruments like EU development aid and economic partnerships would be linked with a growing sense of political and security outreach to ensure Europe is a global player to be reckoned with.
That means, of course, that the EU
should
seek to widen its transatlantic thinking so that the EU and the United States cooperate more closely on defining – and thus protecting – their common interests in a world where together they account for little more than 10% of the total population.
Education is by far the most profitable investment Europe can make, so it
should
be launching its most ambitious strategy ever to create a new knowledge dynamic and employment inside the EU while helping to expand greatly education in the world’s poorest countries.
By much the same token, Europe’s governments
should
be making a determined new effort to strengthen Europeans’ sense of a shared history and common values.
We believe, though, that the increased use of qualified majority voting by member governments embodied in the new treaty
should
also be applied to the ratification process itself.
But one
should
not make the mistake of viewing these interventions in black-and-white terms.
Vague references to “structural reform”
should
ideally be banned, with everyone forced to specify which particular reforms they are talking about and the timetable for any benefits that are achieved.
As Mark Carney, Governor of the Bank of England, has noted, negative interest rates
should
be used only in ways that stimulate overall global demand, rather than simply to move demand from one country to another via competitive devaluation.
The standard official mantra has therefore become that countries that still have “fiscal space”
should
use it.
In a similar spirit, development economics
should
be built on inquiries into the nature and causes of modern economic growth – that is, on structural change in the process of economic development.
Governments need to provide adequate incentives to encourage first-movers, and
should
play an active role in providing the required improvements or coordinating private firms’ investments in those areas.
To make her no-deal threat more credible, May has tried sending dozens of “technical notices” to businesses, hospitals, and public agencies about the emergency preparations they
should
make.
The Cyprus issue
should
therefore not be construed as an obstacle to the start of negotiations.
Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn has spelt it out with the necessary clarity: “If we stick to what we have ourselves decided at the highest political level in the European Council, as we should, I am reasonably confident that the negotiations shall start on the October 3.”This statement is to the credit of the European Commission, and there is not much to be added, except to emphasize that it is up to EU governments to treat Turkey with the fairness that all candidate countries deserve.
Indeed, what a country like Greece
should
be doing is pulling out all the stops to stay clear of the first and second wave of restructurings and IMF programs.
That is why we believe African governments and bilateral donors
should
deepen their investments in programs that provide farmers with the skills to produce long-term crops, especially trees, sustainably.
First, the United States, the European Union, the Gulf countries, and East Asian states
should
establish a flexible fund under WHO leadership to combat the current Ebola epidemic, probably at an initial level of $50-$100 million, pending further developments.
Second, donor countries
should
quickly expand both the Global Fund’s budget and mandate, so that it becomes a global health fund for low-income countries.
In particular, these regions
should
train and deploy a new cadre of community health workers, trained to recognize disease symptoms, provide surveillance, and administer diagnoses and appropriate treatments.
Governments, he says,
should
aim to maximize their people’s Gross National Happiness rather than their Gross National Product.
It is easy to see why governments
should
de-emphasize economic growth when it is proving so elusive.
Should
the regional parties dominate the government, domestic politics would strongly impact India’s foreign policy: the anger of Tamil voters over events in Sri Lanka, or of Muslims over Gaza, would be reflected in the government and therefore constrain policy options.
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