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Palestinian in sentence

1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence

Unlike in the case of millenarian terrorists like Al Qaeda, for whom the goal is amorphous–nationalist extremists’ more realistic objectives might make it possible to neutralize them by addressing the root issue (for example, the creation of a viable Palestinian state).
Last year, according to the DCIP report, 561 children were killed – 557 of them Palestinian, most as a result of Israel’s Operation Protective Edge in Gaza during the summer.
In addition, almost 3,000 Palestinian children were injured during that 50-day conflict, with about 1,000 permanently disabled.
According to Ban, the number of Palestinian children killed in 2014 was higher than the numbers of child deaths in Syria and Darfur, and was exceeded only in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The number of schools destroyed in Palestinian areas was the highest recorded anywhere.
At the heart of the proposals is EU support in the UN Security Council for a resolution that “either (1) calls for new negotiations and sets a mandatory deadline for the completion of an agreement to establish a two-state solution, or (2) creates a greater equivalence between the Israeli and Palestinian parties, including through recognition of a Palestinian state and strong support for Palestine accession to international treaties and organizations.”
The call for such a resolution reflects the impact of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s obnoxious behavior and the extremist views of several of his ministers, which have increased European countries’ sympathy for Palestinian statehood.
Until that happens, the children – the overwhelming majority of them Palestinian –will continue to suffer.
The massacres in Palestinian refugee camps prompted a new commitment to “restore a strong and central government” to Lebanon, to quote President Ronald Reagan.
But, unlike previous Israeli prime ministers (again, with the possible exception of Sharon), Netanyahu has emulated the Palestinian political strategy of sumud, or steadfastness.
It operates both passively and actively in Palestinian culture, demanding stubbornness and tolerating ruthlessness, violence, and duplicity.
As a result, Palestinian leaders have for decades mobilized their society to outlast Israel.
But plans for a functioning Palestinian state that do not depend on foreign aid have been conspicuously absent, save for the recent efforts of Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salam Fayyad.
With such help from the Palestinians – for example, Hamas bitterly castigated Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas recently after he inadvertently implied giving up the right of return – Netanyahu may well rule Israel and Palestine for the foreseeable future.
On a much smaller scale, significant change has been taking place on the Palestinian side as well.
While I believe that the occupation, rather than the reaction to it, is the main cause of our conflict, the unilateral tahdia (“declared calm”) decision by Palestinian militant groups has reduced anti-Israeli attacks mightily, which shows that Palestinians also realize the limits of their military actions.
The strategy ran aground in 2000, when Prime Minister Ehud Barak offered to give up almost all the occupied territories and accept a Palestinian state in exchange for real peace.
The Palestinian leader Yasir Arafat turned him down flat and instead returned to a massive campaign of terrorism against Israel.
Europeans tend to believe that the US is uncritically supportive of Israel and insufficiently sympathetic to Palestinian rights.
His Palestinian counterparts are hardly in a better position.
Today, the clique that surrounds Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas embodies the bitter deception which the peace process that began with the Oslo agreement has meant for the Palestinians.
The Palestinian negotiators’ dangerous deficit of legitimacy – and, indeed, the disorientation of the entire Palestinian national movement – is reflected in the return of the PLO to its pre-Arafat days, when it was the tool of Arab regimes instead of an autonomous movement.
The green light was given to the current negotiators by the Arab League, not by the elected representatives of the Palestinian people.
But maximal security – for example, an insufferably long timetable for withdrawal, unreasonable territorial demands wrapped up as security needs, an Israeli presence in the Jordan valley, and full control of Palestinian airspace and the electromagnetic spectrum – would inevitably clash with Palestinians’ view of what sovereignty entails.
For Netanyahu, creation of a Palestinian state means the end of conflict and the finality of claims.
As he admitted in a recent interview with the Palestinian newspaper Al Quds, if pressured to concede on sacred Palestinian principles such as refugees, Jerusalem, and borders, he “would pack his suitcase and go away.”
And, even if Palestinian negotiators agreed to end the conflict once and for all, the chances that all Palestinian factions would abide by such a settlement are nil.
Palestinian officials called this the most important development in the Islamic world in a decade, since it implicitly accepts Israel’s right to exist.
Such a peace entails mutual tolerance and acceptance, and an historical compromise with the Palestinian Arabs.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas defiantly disregards the US threat to stop aid if Palestine persists in its bid for United Nations membership.
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