Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
Given the new political realities in Egypt, Tunisia, and the
Palestinian
territories, as well as in Lebanon, Libya, and elsewhere, the more important of these actors are no longer secret or illegal organizations.
Competition to control water has already played a key role in regional geopolitical tensions, for instance, between Turkey and Syria;Jordan, Israel, and the
Palestinian
Authority;Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia; and between Saudi Arabia and its neighbors, Qatar, Bahrain, and Jordan.
President Bush talks of a
Palestinian
state and of reforming the
Palestinian
authority, but (so far) offers no road map to achieving either.
Only then would a sovereign
Palestinian
state be able to live in peace alongside Israel.
The hope that Yasser Arafat might become a
Palestinian
Nelson Mandela inspired even Israelis skeptical about the Oslo process.
Arafat missed the historic opportunity to achieve a
Palestinian
state in 2000 when he rejected proposals by President Clinton and then Israeli Premier Barak at Camp David and later in Egypt.
Instead, he launched an armed intifada, in which competing
Palestinian
militias unleashed terrorism and suicide attacks against Israeli civilian targets - not only in the occupied territories, but also in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, Haifa, Hadera, Afula, and Netanya.
Palestinian
territories descended into a lawless chaos reminiscent of Lebanon in the 1970-80's.
But to imagine a democratic and transparent
Palestinian
Authority when neither Syria, Egypt nor Saudi Arabia (or any other Arab country) show signs of democratization, is a pipe dream.
Palestinian
institutions must be rebuilt, but within a legitimate Arab context.
Like Kosovo and Bosnia,
Palestinian
territories should be put under an international protectorate, but notone administered by the UN or EU.
Such a protectorate may not develop a democratic or transparent
Palestinian
structure.
In the meantime, the most urgent priority is a process of de-escalation, stabilization and political consolidation within
Palestinian
society.
The
Palestinian
bid received the support of 138 member countries (Germany, Britain, and 39 other countries abstained), while only seven, including the Marshall Islands, Palau, and Panama, joined the US and Israel in opposing it, leaving both more isolated than ever.
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu was furious; he called
Palestinian
Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas a liar, and gave permission for 3,000 new Jewish homes to be constructed on occupied
Palestinian
territory.
Abbas and his prime minister, Salam Fayyad, have been more moderate, and more open to serious negotiations with Israel, than any
Palestinian
leaders before.
The
Palestinian
police have cooperated with the Israelis to contain violence on the West Bank.
But, by continuing to build settlements on
Palestinian
land, the Israeli government has undermined the authority of Abbas and his Fatah government almost to the point of impotence.
Did the Israelis really want a resurgence of Islamist violence in Gaza, the potential collapse of peaceful politics on the West Bank, and now the right of a recognized
Palestinian
state to take Israel to the International Criminal Court for war crimes?
From the current Israeli government’s perspective, then, the correct strategy is to keep the
Palestinian
government on the West Bank weak and off balance, without quite bringing it down, and to contain Hamas with periodic displays of military power (while destroying long-range missiles that can do serious damage to Israel).
Israel at SixtyTel Aviv – Ten years ago, on Israel’s 50th anniversary, the peace process begun by the path-breaking Oslo accord, reached by Israel and the
Palestinian
Authority in 1993, established the legitimacy of two peoples’ national existence in their shared homeland on the basis of territorial compromise.
It is possible that in the
Palestinian
state there would be a small Jewish minority, consisting of West Bank settlers whose attachment to the Biblical homeland is so intense that they would be willing to live under
Palestinian
control – provided that the Palestinians would grant them
Palestinian
citizenship.
These episodes highlight the complexity of the Middle East’s changing geopolitical landscape, the fragility of Egypt’s post-Mubarak political order, and the explosive potential of Sinai, which, though sparsely populated, includes Egypt’s borders with Israel and the
Palestinian
enclave of Gaza.
Palestinian
militants from Gaza – an active arena of Israeli-Palestinian confrontation since Hamas gained control in 2007 – and jihadi terrorists affiliated with Al Qaeda and the larger “global jihad” network penetrated Sinai, exploiting the government’s neglect of the region and inflaming the local population’s feelings of disenfranchisement.
Palestine’s TimePARIS – This September, Mahmoud Abbas, president of the
Palestinian
Authority, took the bold step of directly asking the United Nations to grant official recognition to the state of Palestine.
It is almost two decades since the “quartet” – the UN, the United States, the European Union, and Russia – agreed that the
Palestinian
Authority and the Israeli government should establish peace by coexisting as two separate states.
As a result, a small group of pro-Israeli congressmen has been free to threaten and pressure those countries likely to vote for the recognition of the
Palestinian
state.
Israel is effectively demanding the disappearance of
Palestinian
identity.
Hamas, the
Palestinian
Authority’s rival in Gaza, will undoubtedly try to thwart Abbas’s effort.
An organization like Hamas, which supports permanent war – and with which Israel negotiated for five years for the release of one abducted Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit, in exchange for more than 1,000
Palestinian
prisoners – is exactly the enemy that Israel needs to justify its hardline stance.
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