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Palestinian in sentence

1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence

But more complicated issues, such as the release of Palestinian prisoners and the establishment of a Gaza airport and seaport, will be left for next month’s discussions.
Given Hamas’s leading role, it will be held accountable not only for the success of Gaza’s reconstruction, but also for any further delays in Palestinian reconciliation.
In 1947 Palestinian Arabs and their allies rejected a UN proposal to partition Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state, just as ten years before they rejected a similar partitioning proposed by the Peel Commission.
More recently, both at Camp David and at Taba in Egypt, Arab negotiators again rejected proposals that would have led to the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel.
Apparently, many Palestinian Arabs, and much of the Arab world, continue to think that they can do better than a two-state solution.
It is possible that at some point the Arabs will agree among themselves that the creation of a Palestinian state that claims to be committed to peaceful coexistence with Israel will be a useful tactic.
But, unless the Arabs reconcile themselves to the permanent reality of a Jewish state in Palestine, the creation of a Palestinian Arab state will not provide more than the temporary palliative of a tenuous truce between Arabs and Jews.
Whether or not this historical justification for Israel's creation is convincing, the important fact is that the Palestinian Arabs and their allies do not buy it.
A permanent end to the conflict over Palestine will not be possible until the Palestinian Arabs and their allies become convinced that the failure of colonialism in countries like Algeria and South Africa is not a relevant lesson for them.
Even if a Palestinian state committed to peaceful coexistence were created, down the road Israel may be unable to avoid the fate of Northern Ireland.
A newly elected Palestinian government should be treated, at least initially, with legitimacy.
Ever protective of his position as sole leader of the Palestinian people, Arafat sought to block any means by which a potential rival could challenge him.
But now Marwan Barghouti, Fatah’s leader in the West Bank during the current Intifada, has decided to contest Abbas for the presidency of the Palestinian Authority (PA) from his Israeli jail cell.
Facing economic stagnation and what Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Ahmed Qurei calls “the anarchy of weapons,” a succession struggle is the last thing Palestinians need.
Abbas (also known as Abu Mazen) represents the Old Guard of Palestinian politics.
His decision to challenge Abbas means that the “secular” forces within the Palestinian movement may be divided at a time when rivals with a robust Islamic agenda – principally Hamas and Islamic Jihad – are challenging them.
Arafat set forth a blueprint including an independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and a fair and just solution to the refugee problem.
Israel must freeze its settlement activity in the West Bank and stop constructing its barrier wall on Palestinian territories.
Israel must also free Palestinian prisoners, remove all checkpoints between Palestinian villages and town, and redeploy its forces to positions held prior to September 28, 2000, in accordance with phase I of the Road Map.
Newly arrived refugees from Syria and Iraq are joining Palestinian refugees who have long been here.
It failed to end the long-standing Palestinian conflict, and it created new problems by dismantling the Iraqi state, funding mujahedeen in Afghanistan, and backing dictators who supported its security agenda in Iraq, Syria, Egypt, and elsewhere.
They are crucial players in Lebanon, they have a role to play in pacifying Iraq, they can influence a change of attitude of powerful and extremely destabilizing non-state actors like Hamas and Hezbollah, and their leverage on Hamas is vital for the stability of the Palestinian front.
Israeli settlers and their supporters then gather even more energy to expand onto more Palestinian land, build more exclusively Jewish settlements, and destroy more Arab homes before the so-called “freeze” comes into effect.
In fact, the demand for a settlement freeze is nothing more than a call to arms to a wide group of Israelis and their supporters to go and build on stolen Palestinian land.
In an era of ballistic missiles and other weapons of mass destruction, and in which the planned Palestinian state is supposed to be demilitarized, why is it so vital for Israel to see its army “sit along the Jordan River”?
And how can hundreds of isolated settlements spread amidst a hostile Palestinian population ever be considered a strategic asset?
Israel’s occupation of Arab lands in that war, and its subsequent deployment of military forces amidst the Arab population of the West Bank and close to the powerful military machines of Egypt in the south and Syria in the north, exposed it to Palestinian terrorism from the east.
If Netanyahu is ever to lead a historic reconciliation with the Palestinian people, he should start by endorsing a courageous, almost post-Zionist insight reflected in Dayan’s 1956 eulogy.
Fully aware of the bitter legacy of Palestinian disinheritance following the 1948 war, Dayan refused to blame the murderers.
The “Rational” Suicide BomberHamas’s surprise victory in the Palestinian parliamentary election has made the question of who is a terrorist, and how terrorism should be tackled, more urgent than ever.
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