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Corporations in sentence

1132 examples of Corporations in a sentence

That changed when activists began targeting the multinational corporations at the top of the pyramid, rather than the growers (who are now merely middlemen squeezed by global companies).
As a result, eleven of the biggest global food corporations that buy their tomatoes from Florida growers – including McDonald’s, Taco Bell, and Burger King, and supermarket chains like Whole Foods and Trader Joe’s – have adopted the FFP.
And corporations that sign on to the FFP also commit to a zero-tolerance policy for forced labor, which creates a market incentive for their growers to police their own operations actively; in the past, market forces created an incentive to look the other way.
By leveraging their massive purchasing power, big multinational food corporations drive down prices, not only impoverishing farmworkers, but also eroding the profits of the growers who employ them.
Meanwhile, the disaggregation and “disintermediation” of global corporations enables them to create formal barriers that prevent senior management from ever seeing, let alone being influenced by, their own workers (and growers).
(Though four of the five largest US fast-food corporations have signed on to the FFP, Wendy’s is the holdout.)
Mass production, large corporations, a continent_wide market, and electric power could not come to pass without institutional and legal changes that underlay the economic transformation.
The first of these pillars, the China-based “world factory,” was largely created by foreign multinational corporations and their associated suppliers and subcontractors, with labor-intensive processing and assembly carried out by small and medium-size enterprises (SMEs) that have direct access to global markets through a complex web of contracts.
Across Europe, Asia, and the Americas, corporations are bulging with cash as their relentless drive for efficiency continues to yield huge profits.
In developing economies, global financial flows have most visibly contributed to macroeconomic shocks that fuel economic uncertainty, which shortens corporations’ investment-planning horizon.
Large public corporations are less common in most developing economies than they are in developed economies; but for those firms that do regularly distribute dividends in developing economies, payouts to shareholders have been increasing, even when profitability has remained roughly the same.
Across a sample of these economies, non-financial corporations’ dollar-denominated debt rose by 40%, on average, from 2010 to 2014; from 2007 to 2015, their debt-service ratios also soared by 40%.
This will require changes in corporate governance generally, and in non-financial corporations’ incentive structures, including preferential tax treatment for retained profits and equity finance, and special depreciation allowances for reinvested profits.
In 2008, US corporations gained a 33% return on their investments in China, while other multinationals got a 22% return.
In such a scenario, the US exports to China what Ricardo Hausmann and Federico Sturzenegger have dubbed “dark matter” (unaccounted assets, such as knowledge, which US corporations export through their investments), while China exports consumer goods and services to the US.
These include high levels of public and private debt, weak institutions, overregulated markets, and still-incomplete balance-sheet corrections on the part of corporations and banks.
Though it shares fundamental elements with GDP, GNI is more relevant to our globalized age, because it adjusts for income generated by foreign-owned corporations and foreign residents.
Accordingly, in a country where foreign corporations own a significant share of manufacturing and other assets, GDP will be inflated, whereas GNI shows only income the country actually retains (see chart).
In Ireland’s case, its single year of astonishing GDP growth was due to multinational corporations “relocating” certain economic gains – namely, the returns on intellectual property – in their overall accounting.
As a result, the divergence between GDP and GNI will likely close in both the US and Ireland, where many major US corporations have been holding cash.
Such practices, he argued, would lead to inefficiently high levels of industrial mobility, because corporations would pursue profits wherever they could, regardless of the impact on individual communities.
As shareholders’ equity is the only real buffer against losses in these corporations, this means that a 4% decline in their assets’ value would completely wipe out their shareholders – taking the companies to the brink of insolvency.
None of these shortcomings – the lack of globalization-friendly institutions, rules, corporations, and talent – is an insurmountable obstacle.
By 1942 when a 59-year-old Schumpeter published the book Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, he realized that a lot of the innovation was coming from very large corporations that faced rather limited competition.
The bulk of R&D spending today occurs within large corporations.
As societies consider their R&D strategies, they must find ways to coax their largest corporations into a more AT&T-like bargain.
The problem is not just that computers are designed to think like corporations, as my University of Cambridge colleague Jonnie Penn has argued.
Corporations, foundations, universities, and other non-profit organizations can promote much of this work.
American corporations will invest more in the US, because foreign countries will no longer offer lower tax rates, and will repatriate profits earned by their foreign subsidiaries rather than leaving them abroad.
The strange equity-market rally that has been proceeding almost uninterrupted since 2009 has been fueled in large part by major corporations’ stock buybacks.
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