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Borrowers in sentence

472 examples of Borrowers in a sentence

Meanwhile, banks have begun to demand repayment from large borrowers accustomed to having their loans rolled over.
But, less obviously, these borrowers then demand more tax-induced lending from financial institutions, because tax benefits make their own use of debt cheaper.
The currency crises in Mexico, East Asia, and Argentina primarily impoverished workers who lost their jobs, those whose hard-currency debts suddenly ballooned, and rich-country investors who found themselves renegotiating terms with insolvent borrowers.
Some of the innovations associated with the sub-prime crisis – notably option-ARM’s, when extended to borrowers who couldn’t handle them – seem to have little redeeming value.
As the housing bubble burst, both borrowers and bankers suffered.
He says that he did not understand how the growth of non-standard mortgages had lured borrowers and investors into bearing dangerous risks.
He was, he now says, focusing on how fixed-rate mortgages are relatively bad deals for borrowers in times of low inflation, which was a mistake.
The solution that was eventually adopted was considered brilliant at the time, because it avoided formal default by any of the big Latin American borrowers (though Brazil briefly defaulted five years later, in 1987).
The IMF has been criticized for burdening borrowers with unnecessary and sometimes perverse lending conditions, but its highly qualified staff has not been shy in blowing the whistle when it perceived domestic vulnerabilities in other countries.
Commercial banks could place their excess funds in riskless deposits at the Fed, rather than lending them to private borrowers.
They would also increase spending by the borrowers, adding directly to inflationary pressures.
In the UK, by contrast, the biggest penalties have come in the form of compensation payments made to individual mortgage borrowers who were sold Payment Protection Insurance.
The regulators maintain that much of this insurance was worthless to borrowers and was mis-sold.
Because the non-bank asset-management industry remains small relative to the banking sector, there are limited funds available to inject equity to enable corporate borrowers, especially SMEs, to deleverage, despite high domestic savings.
And they must initiate a similar process to weed out inefficient borrowers from the banking (and shadow banking) system.
Bank loans have started to increase, but small borrowers, new borrowers, and start-up companies are regularly refused.
To be sure, they could raise the rate for new and small borrowers; but, in the current political climate, they would stand accused of stifling economic recovery if they did.
Some borrowers miss interest payments; others are unable to roll over principal.
Every time, borrowers and lenders claimed to have learned their lesson.
A recent paper by the Bank of International Settlements shows that since the global financial crisis, outstanding dollar credit to non-bank borrowers outside the US has risen by half, from $6 trillion to $9 trillion.
Other big dollar borrowers include Brazil (over $300 billion) and India ($125 billion).
Conventional wisdom also once held that dollar borrowing binges occur only in countries with fixed exchange rates, with the central bank de facto insuring borrowers against currency risk.
Optimists also argue that some local borrowers are naturally hedged.
There may be no obvious currency mismatch for the bank, but if the local borrowers’ revenues are only in domestic currency, they may become unable to service their debt.
A return to that original dynamic would be good for everyone, from creditor countries (which would benefit from a more stable global system) to borrowers (whose economies would enjoy faster growth and poverty reduction).
That is, an increase in the willingness to lend tends to increase the value of the collateral, and also improves the borrowers’ performance, thereby encouraging a relaxation of credit criteria.
Today, the microfinance industry serves about 150-200 million borrowers around the world, and has grown rapidly by securing access to several billion dollars in equity financing.
And there is now a chorus of caution about new regulations, which supposedly might hamper financial markets (including their exploitation of uninformed borrowers, which lay at the root of the problem.)
Others fretted that resolving underwater mortgages would reward feckless borrowers.
Sandbu argues that this would not only insulate public finance from the follies of banks; it would also lead to an equilibrium that mimics fiscal risk-sharing between countries that are net borrowers and countries that are net lenders.
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