Arguments
in sentence
981 examples of Arguments in a sentence
Optimists and pessimists both have good
arguments.
Arguments
will likely revolve around the scale of the expenditure (estimates range from $20 billion to $100 billion) and how these costs will be split between the U.S. and other NATO members.
These
arguments
will likely fall flat in France.
Today, Americans still worry about the influence of money in politics, as demonstrated by recurring
arguments
over campaign finance in their current presidential primaries.
We cannot explain this convergence in terms of standard economic arguments, such as changes in relative prices and incomes, because no such changes were sufficiently large.
Would I have been tempted by
arguments
such as: “We are trying to develop our economy, and you can really help us with your knowledge?”
One of the most important
arguments
against a market economy is that markets are blind to justice and social demands.
By contrast, minimizing the primary-surplus target would encourage the government to pursue structural reforms and help restore Europe’s image for ordinary Greeks, thereby countering the populist, conspiracy-theory
arguments
that are sabotaging negotiations.
But it is as if, owing to an excess of prudence, they cannot bring themselves to pursue their own
arguments
to their logical conclusions.
While his brash style undermined outcomes, it would be a real tragedy to lose sight of his
arguments
(which have been made by many others as well).
Plausible as these
arguments
are, it is time to revisit them.
One of the most powerful
arguments
for the EADS-BAE marriage had been the expectation of industry analysts that within 20 years China will challenge Airbus and Boeing in the global aviation market, while also creating a powerful new defense industry.
If the
arguments
are addressed to governments, however, would better data lead to better outcomes?
He makes
arguments
against the Congressional Budget Office, the Department of the Treasury, and the Federal Reserve, all of which had suggested – based on the same information available to Stiglitz when he wrote his paper – that implicit guarantees to Fannie Mae were potentially costly.
These
arguments
are easily rebutted.
Populist
arguments
against easy monetary policy are flimsy, at best.
But so are populist
arguments
for tightening monetary policy – in the US, Donald Trump, following Ted Cruz and other Republican leaders, has advocated a return to the gold standard.
Opponents of genetic engineering in food and agriculture have several arguments, none of which appears to be valid.
Thus, even with optimal outcomes, like the avoidance of recession, the economic
arguments
for large-scale immigration are hardly conclusive.
We will never hand the political agenda over to those who offer only simplistic slogans, crude arguments, and extreme policies.
But economic
arguments
alone will likely not be enough to persuade a Britain that, in the late journalist and political columnist Hugo Young's words, is caught between the past it cannot forget and the future it cannot avoid.
One casualty is truth: the prize goes to
arguments
that cement group identity, not to
arguments
that stick to the facts.
There are, of course, sound environmental and economic
arguments
against constructing large dams – and even for decommissioning some.
The conference will unleash new
arguments
about green jobs, growth, cost increases, cost reductions, changes in values, consumer choice – green this and green that.
It is not uncommon today for political analysts to contort their
arguments
in order to avoid being denounced as Islamophobic.
And the
arguments
used by its congressional proxies would be risible had the consequences not been so tragic.
Arguments
for this view range from those emphasizing comparatively low inventories in Europe, Japan, and other places, to those pointing to the recent surge in North America of consumer purchases of gas-guzzling vehicles, like SUVs and trucks.
These are specious
arguments.
Historical
arguments
over whether FDR’s New Deal worked now form an important part of American debates over current monetary and fiscal policy in general, and the US Federal Reserve’s policy of quantitative easing in particular.
Grillo – much like Lega Nord’s Matteo Salvini – has scant political experience, little knowledge of European history, few refined arguments, and no credible vision for the future.
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