Example collocations logo

Wealth in sentence

3143 examples of Wealth in a sentence

It is the worst form of capitalism, not only because of the extreme inequality in income and wealth that such economies tolerate, but also because the elites do not promote growth as the central goal of economic policy.
Instead, oligarchs fix the rules to maximize their own income and wealth.
Today – sometimes across borders, sometimes within them – once-unthinkable wealth exists alongside extreme poverty and all its social ills.
Libya’s Shadow on Sovereign Wealth FundsNEW YORK – As Libya’s citizens rebuild their lives and economy, undoing the corruption in the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA), the sovereign wealth fund in which Muammar el-Qaddafi’s regime allegedly stashed and misused Libya’s oil wealth, is becoming a priority.
Regardless of how the Libyan government eventually handles the LIA, all sovereign wealth funds – and their advisers and fundraisers – can learn several important lessons.
Inequality has had a corrosive effect on South Africa’s public and private institutions, negatively affecting how wealth is generated.
But in the Zuma era, concentrated wealth led to nepotistic hiring practices, political appointments based on clientelism (owing to higher salaries for government employees), and other forms of corruption.
To be sure, states have wrestled with inequality for as long as wealth has been generated.
Consumer spending dropped sharply in October, owing to negative wealth effects and heightened uncertainty, but it quickly stabilized and recovered, while investment spending remained essentially unchanged.
But wealth, while necessary, is not sufficient.
Wealth and income have become increasingly concentrated, while middle-class incomes in the developed world have stagnated.
The Complexity of InequalityMUNICH – Since 2013, when Thomas Piketty published his much-discussed study of the distribution of income and wealth, inequality has been at the forefront of public debate in most advanced economies, blamed for everything from slow growth and stagnating productivity to the rise of populism and the Brexit vote.
Instead, countries’ rates of inequality are measured against one another – a narrow approach that ignores everything from broader economic trends to differences in the impact of wealth inequality on populations in different social environments.
At a time when everyone seems to be complaining about inequality, wealth is, at the global level, more broadly distributed than ever.
In the emerging economies, the share of wealth owned by the middle class is increasing, indicating a drop in wealth inequality.
It is primarily in the industrialized world that inequality is on the rise, with the share of wealth held by the top 10% growing the most.
But the impact of ultra-loose monetary policy extends far beyond today’s wealth and income effects.
Consider the disparities between the US, Denmark, and Sweden – all three of which are among the world’s most unequal societies, with respect to the distribution of wealth.
Moreover, Denmark took the top spot in the United Nations’ World Happiness report last year, suggesting that wealth inequality does not trouble Danes too much.
The increase in wealth inequality there over the last decade has been the most pronounced of any country.
Today, the US has the smallest middle class, holding just 22% of total net financial assets, half the average of other industrialized countries, and the highest concentration of wealth than in any other country.
Doing so would certainly be a good start to combating rising wealth inequality.
Indeed, the societal wealth created through the Industrial Revolution is partly due to this new diffusion of knowledge and skills.
Until both are addressed properly, the West will remain burdened by sluggish growth, persistently high unemployment, and excessive income and wealth inequality.
Without it, growth falters, job creation is insufficient, and widening income and wealth inequality undermines the social fabric.
In a recent book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, the economist Thomas Piketty highlights the phenomenon of “meritocratic extremism” – the culmination of a century-long passage from the old inequality, characterized by inherited wealth and discreet lifestyles, to the new inequality, with its outsize bonuses and conspicuous consumption.
The rich were the old-money Protestant establishment whose members had lost their skills for protecting their wealth, which was therefore rightfully forfeited to street-savvy up-and-comers – mainly Jewish – amoral enough to help themselves to it.
Even a partial reversal of this long regressive trend for wealth and income would fund a modest initial basic income.
Beyond this, a UBI scheme can be designed to grow in line with the wealth of the economy.
Unless we change our system of income generation, there will be no way to check the concentration of wealth in the hands of the rich and exceptionally entrepreneurial.
BackNext