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Wealth in sentence

3143 examples of Wealth in a sentence

He argued that vast amounts of foreign capital flowed through US banks to the housing sector because international investors appreciated “the depth and sophistication of the country’s financial markets (which among other things have allowed households easy access to housing wealth).”
The sharp fall in house prices that followed caused a dramatic downturn in household wealth, leading to lower consumer spending and an overall fall in GDP.
By now, wealth in the form of owner-occupied housing is down about 30%, equivalent to a loss of more than $6 trillion of household wealth.
If that trend continues, it will prevent further erosion of household wealth and strengthen the banks’ capital positions.
If they do, the sale of foreclosed properties will continue to depress house prices, reducing household wealth and hurting financial institutions.
The latest Forbes list of America’s wealthiest individuals showed that last year’s highest nine earners, whose ranks include New York City’s mayor, Michael Bloomberg, managed to increase their wealth by $5-9 billion last year.
Yes, that is just the annual increase in their wealth.
Are massive income and wealth differences an inevitable outcome of fast growth?
Rather than punitively taxing wealth, globalization strengthens the case for shifting to a flat tax on income (or better yet consumption) with a moderately high exemption.
The inventor of New Labour would like to be remembered as the man who squared the circle of sustainable economic growth and a reformed welfare state, the man who reconciled wealth creation and social cohesion.
Second, inequality of income and wealth in the US, already more pronounced than in other advanced democracies, has been increasing dramatically.
The downturn was a distinctive balance-sheet recession that caused sizeable declines in household wealth and necessitated painful deleveraging.
They amassed untold wealth as hunger and disease ripped their societies apart and pushed more Africans deeper into poverty.
So while net job creation will continue and the unemployment rate will maintain its downward trajectory – both highly welcome – the labor market’s evolution risks fueling rather than countering already-significant income and wealth inequalities, as well as poverty.
In terms of wealth – that is, GDP adjusted for population – it ranks anywhere from 22nd to 30th.
By contrast, many other countries with high levels of wealth and productivity are not recognized as bastions of higher education.
And, second, could British universities themselves do more to drive productivity and wealth creation, by enhancing job opportunities and addressing labor-market failures in their own immediate vicinities?
They concern disputes over territory, political power, definitions of rights, and distribution of wealth.
Indeed, the so-called welfare state continued to eat into the wealth and welfare of our children.
And the Republicans gathered in Tampa to celebrate the rule – to say that the America that Tocqueville saw no longer exists: Americans no longer believe that the wealth of the rich rests on the prosperity of the rest.
Rather, the rich owe their wealth solely to their own luck and effort.
This is wrong on all counts: Africa is trapped in poverty, many countries are well poised to use aid effectively, and America’s contribution is tiny relative to Africa’s needs, America’s promises, and America’s wealth.
The conventional wisdom on wealth and inequality is similarly mistaken.
Gaps in income and wealth may be shooting up within individual countries, but per capita income in developing countries is rising much faster than in the advanced economies.
And what about wealth disparities in today’s EU of 27 members?
Even in Chile, which enjoyed high economic growth and cut poverty in half, and Brazil, which lowered the percentage of citizens living below the poverty line by a third during the 1990’s, the concentration of wealth has increased.
From the end of World War II until 2007, Western political leaders at least acted as if they were interested in achieving full employment, price stability, an acceptably fair distribution of income and wealth, and an open international order in which all countries would benefit from trade and finance.
Both objectives were sacrificed in the interest of restoring the fortunes of the super-rich, perhaps with a distant hope that the wealth would “trickle down” someday.
True to the legacy of Friedrich List, the father of German economics, who wrote in 1841, “the power of producing wealth is therefore infinitely more important than wealth itself,” Germany has retained its manufacturing edge through a relentless commitment to process innovation, backed by a network of research institutes.
The left-wing party wants to redistribute wealth and incomes more, and the right-wing party less; but both need to restrain themselves, and in appealing to the median voter, they become near-identical alternatives.
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