Unions
in sentence
628 examples of Unions in a sentence
The economist Mario Monti, who followed Berlusconi as Prime Minister, attempted a real depreciation, introducing greater flexibility into the labor market in order to force the
unions
into wage concessions.
But Monti’s efforts came to naught; among other problems, the ECB, with its generous financial help, removed the pressure from both
unions
and companies.
Labor unions, human rights NGOs, consumer groups, or environmental organizations do not have direct access to protection in the way that firms do.
The ruling structures in these countries enjoy broad popular consent, as well as support from influential institutions, such as labor and farmers’
unions.
Increases in income taxes imply that
unions
demand higher gross salaries in order to compensate for the fall in net salaries due to tax increases.
Such a combination would force the ECB to be even more rigid in an economy where the employed and their representatives (trade unions) are preoccupied exclusively with protecting existing jobs and excluding outsiders, i.e. the unemployed.
In response to the growth slowdown of the last decade, Sweden’s government worked with employers and
unions
to reduce working hours and preserve jobs.
Privately owned newspapers, independent radio and television networks, trade unions, churches, professional societies, and other groups within civil society provide a bulwark against despotism.
It is no surprise that corrupt regimes routinely clamp down on the press, trade unions, and on professional associations.
Several other countries recognize civil
unions
with similar legal effect.
Recently, however, Russian politics witnessed a spate of political marriages, some tactical, some "shotgun
" unions
that smack of desperation.
For unions, the new right is a competitive challenge for support.
His deregulatory policies are blatantly biased against workers and
unions.
Labor
unions
that had long protected the rights of workers in Western countries lost their bargaining power, and with it the ability to negotiate for more humane working conditions and higher wages at home.
But the strongest lobbies -- representing trade
unions
and other urban groups -- could not allow wage cuts and welfare reductions.
Among the obstacles to the growth of small firms are labor market regulations, the power of the trade unions, competition laws, a cumbersome bureaucracy, and last, but not least, an imperfect capital market.
Labor unions, once known for their skepticism toward immigration, are increasingly in favor of pro-immigration reforms.
In fact,
unions
were a driving force behind last year’s Domestic Workers Convention, which seeks to protect the rights of the world’s estimated 50-100 million domestic workers.
Other economists see Europe’s powerful labor
unions
as an important determinant in European attitudes towards work.
During past economic downturns, labor
unions
in Europe negotiated a reduced workweek or more vacation time with no reduction in wages.
In fact, those wishing to exploit shale deposits are receiving shiny new subsidies of their own, along with other benefits: a guaranteed price through Plan Gas for unconventional gas, reduced regional government fees per unit of gas extracted, and an agreement with the main trade
unions
that lowers workforce costs.
Beyond the labor-rights violations that deals with trade
unions
enable, shale-gas extraction violates the rights of indigenous communities.
Labor groups, including
unions
or new types of labor organizations like Coworker.org
and the Freelancers Union, could fill the gap, providing benefits as
unions
have done in the construction industry and guilds have done in the entertainment industry.
Neoliberals attacked the expense of entitlement programs and the vested interests of trade
unions.
The question is whether his government, which has gone to great lengths to forge a consensus behind its reforms, will carry through on additional measures, the need for which have been hidden by a favorable economy and wage moderation by
unions.
Most important, for the first time, pension reform has been carried out in France in continuous consultation with employers’ associations and trade
unions.
What we are seeing in Europe today is more likely to be delayed adjustment rather than passive acceptance of real wage cuts by workers and
unions.
There was no shortage of domestic villains: trade unions, miners, teachers, doctors, the BBC, ethnic minorities, the Scots, the Welsh, and Irish Catholics.
At a minimum, the ECB has made it clear to one and all--politicians, trade unions, and the markets-- that its’ long period of monetary inactivity is coming to an end.
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