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Union in sentence

2117 examples of Union in a sentence

The progress made on the banking union is important, but two key components are still needed: first, a true rehabilitation of the European banking system to ensure that credit flows resume throughout the eurozone, while averting deflation; and, second, debt mutualization to protect vulnerable countries from market gyrations.
Making progress toward an energy union is crucial and should be one of the new Commission’s main objectives.
In this process of energy integration, the banking union offers clues about how to secure common interests and maintain a balance among the EU’s main institutions – the European Commission, the European Parliament, the European Council, and the ECB.
Ten years on, France should not be afraid of exchanging some of its sovereignty for political union in Europe.
The interest rate in France – and in all other eurozone countries – is now determined by the European Central Bank, based on demand conditions within the monetary union as a whole.
If it is, what could be done to shore up the monetary union?
Such an agenda should include the completion of the banking union, with the strengthening of common deposit insurance.
The recent crisis in Cyprus underscores the urgency of establishing a banking union that includes not only common supervision, but also resolution mechanisms and deposit insurance.
For political union in Europa will not come about if countries are suspicious that it will only camouflage domination by a powerful Germany.
Last year, the company sealed an agreement with the trade union IG Metall that includes a no-layoff pledge for its 128,000-strong German workforce.
And they have little interest in “ever-closer union,” characterized by comprehensive political and economic integration.
Traumatized by past wars and supportive of regionalization as a way to succeed in a fluid global economy, ever-closer union seems like the key to ensuring continued peace and prosperity.
And the ever-closer union that Brexit advocates so adamantly oppose is far from a sure thing.
The UK votes to leave now, in the hopes that a panicked EU would not only grant further concessions, but also alter its own vision of ever-closer union.
When a country with higher inflation and structural rigidities joins a monetary union, it initially finds itself awash with liquidity: exchange-rate risk disappears, real interest rates turn negative, and borrowing becomes an irresistible bargain.
As a result, fear could become a self-fulfilling prophecy: following a run by investors on all other sovereign debtors in the union, fiscal transfers would become inevitable in order to rescue overextended – for example, German – banks that have highly risky loan portfolios.
The promise of never-ending and self-defeating austerity cannot provide solid foundations to the monetary union.
Instead of a eurozone caged in by Germany’s narrow interests as a creditor, Europe needs a monetary union that works for all of its citizens.
More immediately important is the failure of the proposed “fiscal union” to do anything for European recovery.
A 2005 report by Patrick Mazimhaka, a former AU deputy chairman, provides some leeway for this, as Mazimhaka pointed out that the union in 1960 between Somaliland and Somalia, following the withdrawal of the colonial powers (Britain and Italy), was never formally ratified.
In principle, workers can seek remedies by joining a union and bargaining collectively.
But this option is all but foreclosed, because union membership or organizing can lead to dismissal, blacklisting, violence, or worse.
Instead, countries are committed only to enforcing their own labor laws, which often seem designed to prevent workers from joining a union.
This delicate moment for the EU demands decisive progress toward a more effective, more integrated, and more desirable union.
The eurozone, too, must resolve its internal contradictions, either by disbanding or by introducing “a minimum set of institutions and policies” that allow the monetary union to function properly.
The global economic crisis that began in 2008 exposed the deep flaws in Europe’s monetary union, though it took the near-death experience of the euro crisis of 2010-2012 to force Europe’s leaders to act, by creating a large fund to help struggling countries and establishing a banking union.
Even so, more than three years later, that union – which entails supervision by the European Central Bank and the beginnings of a fund for restructuring failing banks, but lacks a common system for deposit insurance – is far from perfect.
Despite its flaws, the banking union helped to keep financial markets calm in the first half of 2015, even as Greece’s new government, led by Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, challenged a basic feature of Europe’s approach to national financial crises: that recipients of support must engage in belt-tightening.
If the latter interpretation is correct, Europe’s monetary union, though still deeply flawed, has become more cohesive.
And the concrete actions of the last year – notably, the warning that countries that do not follow the rules will be left out – suggest that 2016 will bring more progress, however piecemeal, toward a stronger eurozone and a real political union.
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