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Union in sentence

2117 examples of Union in a sentence

The transformation of the OSCE into a political forum where EU member states will be individually represented by the EU, for example, could be the type of institutional innovation that can block Russia’s effort to split the union.
Its economy has expanded for eight consecutive quarters, steadily gaining momentum and easily outperforming the rest of the currency union.
But it has been part of the core bargain which has kept the union together.
But this useless reaction to the laws of the global market economy hides the fact that Germany’s problems are largely a result of an overblown welfare state and extremely aggressive union policies over the last thirty years.
Clearly, the need for much greater eurozone integration must be balanced against some countries’ strong desire to preserve more national sovereignty than is feasible in the monetary union.
But establishing this categorical division – beginning with, as the UK has requested, an explicit recognition that the EU is a multi-currency union – would allow for the creation of a decision-making framework that better protects both group’s interests.
The proposed finance minister, responsible for overseeing fiscal policy in the monetary union, would be responsible to the eurozone parliament.
The more federal eurozone would be embedded in a larger union that cooperates on defense, foreign policy, climate-change measures, and migration policy.
She has long known that fixing the monetary union would require her to issue a politically risky call for financial sacrifice by Germans.
With respect to the last of these issues, the EU urgently needs to create a true energy union to reduce its dependence on outside, increasingly hostile countries, not least Russia.
Meanwhile, as the crisis has deepened, a new consensus about Europe’s monetary union has emerged.
The Report on economic and monetary union in the European Community, which laid out the euro blueprint, was presented in April 1989 – a time when no one (with the possible exception of some Kremlin strategists) was thinking about German reunification.
Its internal debates highlighted two problems of the potential monetary union.
At the time of his report, he concluded that the European budget would amount to some 3% of GDP – identical to the peacetime US federal budget’s share of GDP during the country’s first stage of monetary union, in the nineteenth century.
None of this bodes well for a serious program of eurozone reform, which would have to include a genuine banking union, a limited fiscal union, and much stronger mechanisms of democratic accountability.
The European Central Bank has played a crucial role in preventing a worst-case scenario, but the obvious lacuna in Europe’s economic and monetary union (EMU) remains: EMU established only a monetary union and largely omitted the economic union that has proven so closely linked to the euro’s strengths and weaknesses.
Even in the best-case scenario, in which the euro remains intact, Europe will be bogged down with the demanding task of rebuilding its frayed union.
The roots of US strategy in Syria lie in a strange– and unsuccessful – union of two sources of American foreign policy.
The euro crisis has transformed an ever-closer union of equal sovereign states, willingly sacrificing a share of their independence for the common good, into an association of creditor and debtor countries, with the debtors struggling to meet the creditors’ terms.
But despite all the wailing from supporters of monetary union, there may be an opportunity here.
Indeed, public virtue made federal finance what he called “the powerful cement of our union.”
Only this inducement to the most powerful state in the union persuaded Madison to drop his opposition to the proposal.
In fact, the fiscal union proved to be explosive rather than adhesive.
That is why we must complete the unfinished business of economic and monetary union – and why the European Commission has long argued for the creation of a banking union as an indispensable step toward that goal.
The Commission’s upcoming proposals are part of a broader package leading to economic, fiscal, and political union that will redefine the boundaries of European integration.
And we will need to bridge the gap between eurozone members and EU members that remain outside the monetary union, some of which may want to participate in the new supervisory mechanisms.
Common and more integrated supervision is the first step towards a banking union.
Once these proposals are implemented, the banking union will be complete.
Establishing a banking union by 2013 will not give Europe a magic wand with which to wave away the economic crisis overnight; but it is a major and crucial step to restoring the confidence of Europe’s citizens, international partners, and investors.
Much progress has been made on new instruments of integration, such as the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) and the banking union.
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