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Union in sentence

2117 examples of Union in a sentence

Europe, An Engine of PeaceCritics of European monetary integration often point out that, in the absence of political union, monetary union is doomed to fail.
In other words, it is not true that the European Union does not constitute a political union.
In particular, Germany under Chancellor Helmut Kohl often linked monetary integration with the objective of political union.
For me, Europe’s integration of Muslim Turkey into its political union is the same sort of question of peace that Schumann and Monnet successfully confronted.
There are advantages, political and economic, in a broad currency union, as demonstrated by the history of the US dollar.
But it is more realistic than the EU establishment’s attempt to hang on to our disintegrating, anti-democratic, cartel-like union.
As things stand, we are in danger of making Europe politically irrelevant, a successful customs union with a Swissified foreign policy and a group of fractious, vision-free leaders.
The first possibility, which First Minister Alex Salmond appears to have in mind, would entail a monetary union under a central bank accountable both to Scotland and the rump UK.
Any other conceivable model of monetary union – including one based on a central bank as unaccountable as the European Central Bank – would be subject to the same rejection.
By allowing for exchange-rate flexibility, this approach would also enable the central bank to avoid the twin hazards that arise in a currency union: undervaluation, which produces inflationary pressure, and overvaluation, which demands wrenching internal devaluations (driving down real wages).
Italy is perhaps the prime candidate to lead an exit from the eurozone, though a political shock could also arise in France, spurring it to negotiate with Germany the dissolution of the monetary union.
But a sovereign Scottish government might try to negotiate an exemption to this rule – and, in so doing, join the tide of other European countries seeking a way out of the great blunder that Europe’s monetary union has turned out to be.
America meets all the Maastricht criteria for monetary union, which no actual EU member (save Luxembourg) can claim.
In the 1996 presidential campaign, resentments and exaggerations of import competition surfaced in economic nationalism, espoused by Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot on the right and trade union leaders on the left.
The real question is what kind of European Union Greece’s creditors want: a “small” one, comprising only the countries that are prepared to live by their exacting standards, or a “big” one that heeds the Treaty of Rome’s call for “ever-closer union.”
Yet the technocrats are back, now advocating a fiscal union to support the monetary union, with political union nowhere in sight.
But, even in the unlikely event that it does, a political union that emerges from desperation to save the common currency will be very different from one built purposefully, as the Treaty of Rome envisioned, based on shared values and goals.
And, in the meantime, a fiscal union without a political union is an anti-democratic nightmare.
The premature establishment of a currency union, without the needed political integration, generated tension and instability, as it failed to take into account the vast differences in member states’ economic structure and performance.
If European monetary union is not leading toward the desired end, it – not the goal of ever-closer union – should be altered.
In a true economic union, underpinned by union-wide political institutions, the financial problems of Greece, Spain, and the others would not have blown up to their current proportions, threatening the existence of the union itself.
If European leaders want to maintain democracy, they must make a choice between political union and economic disintegration.
The second would mean giving up on monetary union in order to be able to deploy national monetary and fiscal policies in the service of longer-term recovery.
The first is the completion of the eurozone banking union, which would feature shared bank regulation, including a credible resolution fund.
Poland, by contrast, had strong civic groups – including the Church, peasant societies, and the Solidarity trade union.
But the motive of preventing the formation of a political bloc was never absent, and ran counter to the European founding fathers’ dream of a political union.
In fact, the EU’s founders, especially Jean Monnet, saw ever-deeper economic union as a way to forge ever-deeper political union.
More obviously than anything preceding it, the single currency was a touchstone of willingness to proceed toward political union.
The organization Britain will be leaving is far from marching confidently ahead to political union.
The new banking union can then be extended to include a common resolution fund to enable the orderly dissolution of insolvent institutions.
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