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Tended in sentence

295 examples of Tended in a sentence

But, after six months or so passed without successful reemployment, they tended to become discouraged and distraught.
Until the currency crashes of the 1990s, emerging and developing countries tended to target their exchange rates.
One observed that Bank of England staff members tended to “filter” their advice to make it more palatable to their superiors.
In Europe, populist parties have tended to emphasize their aversion to European integration, with those on the right often also condemning immigration, while the left denounces rising economic inequality.
With a substantial share of financial resources being allocated to infrastructure and real-estate development, which have lower output efficiency, capital has tended to circle back into the financial system, instead of flowing toward activities in the real economy.
Throughout human history, those with superior technology have tended to displace or even annihilate their neighbors.
Brazilian authorities have tried to fix the exchange rate before, but these attempts tended to be short-lived, because the financial costs of sterilizing the central bank’s currency-market interventions are too high.
A look at the historical experience of the Jews shows that while most Jews were mired in poverty at the beginning of the twentieth century, over time they tended to do disproportionately well in societies that allowed them to compete on an equal basis.
They also tended to do disproportionately well in the learned professions – such as medicine, law, and accounting – that are so central to modern capitalist society.
For one thing, Jews had more experience with commerce than most other groups, and the tacit knowledge of buying, selling, and calculating advantage that was passed on in families with ties to business helps explain why Jews tended to be better at it.
For years, the authorities tended to support the renminbi, as they pursued renminbi internationalization – an effort that culminated in the International Monetary Fund’s recent decision to add the renminbi to the basket of currencies that compose its reserve asset, so-called Special Drawing Rights.
While the media have tended to focus on big-ticket corruption, such as that revealed by ongoing scandals concerning on the allocation of spectrum to telecom companies or the organization of the Commonwealth Games, petty corruption has often affected people more directly.
But, while a diversified economy presupposes more space for private enterprise, governments in the region, especially during boom times, have tended to favor politically connected firms, and blocked those they view as a threat.
But, faced with a complex picture, states have tended to address the flow of migrants they deem undesirable by saying, in effect, “out of sight, out of mind.”
As my colleague Erik Hurst and his co-authors have shown, states that had the largest rise in construction as a share of GDP in 2000-2006 tended to have the greatest contraction in that industry in 2006-2009.
These states also tended to have the largest rise in unemployment rates between 2006 and 2009.
Experienced observers remind us that crises, rather than vision, have tended to drive progress at critical stages of Europe’s historic integration – a multi-decade journey driven by the desire to ensure long-term peace and prosperity in what previously had been one of the world’s most violent regions and the site of appalling human suffering.
Nationalist excesses have tended to lead Europe to catastrophic wars.
And since, in addition, the Commission and the Parliament have traditionally tended to regard each other as essential allies (on the side of European integration), against the Council of Ministers (representing the nation states), it is not surprising that a censure vote has only been tried four times in the past 20 years, and never carried.
In the 2017 election, AfD voters tended to be men between the ages of 30 and 59 with only secondary education or vocational training, working blue-collar jobs – often with little job security – in small cities and rural areas.
In the run-up to the 2008 financial crisis, macroeconomists tended to assume away the financial sector in their models of advanced economies.
Women writers wrote exquisite poetry and prose, and they were officially recognized as the equals (well, almost) of their male peers; but they tended to avoid certain topics – and war was a man’s business.
To our surprise, we found that the relative prices of grains, metals, and many other basic goods tended to revert to a central mean tendency over sufficiently long periods.
Movements like the Tea Party have thus tended keep in check those who, after a crisis of the sort that America has had, typically want more government action, including curbing markets and competition.
The Good-Governance TrapROME – Development and improved governance have tended to go hand in hand.
Consistent with the idea that households at lower income levels were “keeping up with the Vanderbilts,” the non-rich (but not the really poor) living near high-spending wealthy consumers tended to spend much more on items that richer households usually consumed, such as jewelry, beauty and fitness, and domestic services.
In a study of the congressional vote on the McFadden Act of 1927, which sought to boost competition in lending, Rodney Ramcharan of the US Federal Reserve and I found that legislators from districts with a highly unequal distribution of land holdings – farming was the primary source of income in many districts then – tended to vote against the act.
But, as the role of manufacturing diminished in advanced economies, the brightest talents tended to gravitate to finance and other service fields that were growing rapidly – and paying well.
The third ingredient – popular mobilization against corruption – has been the most difficult to obtain, as Latin Americans have historically tended to be tolerant of pilfering politicians.
Islamic parties have tended to benefit electorally when the democratic parties are politically hobbled.
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