Surveillance
in sentence
684 examples of Surveillance in a sentence
In that sense, security
surveillance
can benefit both the US and other countries.
Snowden revealed two major
surveillance
programs inside the US.
In 2004, he was placed under
surveillance
when he called on the Party to revise its judgment of the 1989 Tiananmen demonstration.
To be sure, there are solutions to the drug resistance crisis: restricted consumption, better diagnostics and disease surveillance, and expanded clinical development of new drugs are three.
A strengthening of the IMF was agreed after the Asian crisis in the 1990’s, and the G-7 summit in Cologne in 1999 mandated the Fund to play a strong
surveillance
role to ensure greater transparency and encourage early adjustment by countries with unsustainable balance-of-payments positions.
Emerging economies, following the advanced countries, also attached less importance to Fund surveillance, especially as their accumulation of external assets made them less dependent on IMF financing and advice.
For example, the Fund has been unable to complete a
surveillance
program with China for three years.
An example of this is the way the IMF’s Decision on Bilateral
Surveillance
over Members’ Policies, aimed at identifying fundamental exchange-rate misalignments, was modified to allow greater discretion in surveillance, especially over exchange rates.
An essential element of such a mechanism is to give the IMF a prominent role in two areas: strong and effective
surveillance
in order to prevent crises, and responsible lending to countries in need, but with appropriate limits and conditionality.
Given China’s long record of exploiting its diaspora for economic and political gain, some in the West will be tempted to look upon all ethnic Chinese with suspicion, exposing them to discrimination and potentially even subjecting them to
surveillance.
But it must go further, demanding that any treaty should include a provision for
surveillance
and sanctions; that a country’s right to veto intervention be limited according to the amount of time that has passed and the issue at stake; and that measures to protect populations be decided upon by majority vote.
Indeed, the recent revelations about National Security Agency
surveillance
programs barely scratch the surface of the issue.
Other steps include enhanced
surveillance
of public places and the creation of new units focused on identifying potential terrorists through their Internet activities.
It should have been obvious that the Saudi consulate in Istanbul would be wired with
surveillance
devices.
Both approaches have given rise to new forms of epidemiological
surveillance.
In the future, technology developed for military aerial
surveillance
could have major civilian benefits – for example, helping to control traffic and reduce road congestion, and assisting in the dispatch of rescue teams and humanitarian assistance.
Since then, the IMF and the Bank have kept franc-zone budget deficits under tight surveillance, which has limited the direct impact of sovereign-debt worries on these countries.
For this, it needs to focus on three issues: improved
surveillance
of financial stability, strengthened international coordination, and an updated decision-making process.
The IMF should see to it that there are no gaps in the
surveillance
of financial institutions.
To this end IMF
surveillance
should include regular updates on supervisory regimes in systemically important countries.
And EU President Herman van Rompuy is preparing a framework for enhanced fiscal surveillance, prevention, and resolution.
But our lack of knowledge itself confirms how far our regulatory and
surveillance
capabilities have fallen behind “financial innovation.”
To be sure, since 2007, the IMF has prohibited “large-scale intervention in one direction in the exchange market,” in a decision on “bilateral surveillance” that also identifies “large and prolonged” current-account imbalances as a reason for review.
But neither that decision nor later IMF policy papers on multilateral
surveillance
provide specific and comparative quantitative indicators that would eliminate the need for case-by-case judgment.
In fact, the issue of large actual or potential discrepancies between aggregate savings and investment in countries or monetary zones, reflected in current-account imbalances, is at the heart of the IMF’s emerging multilateral
surveillance
role; it has been a focus of the G-20 as well.
A better approach would include strengthening the IMF’s multilateral
surveillance
role.
It shrank its budgets and began to downsize, and, while it was handed some new responsibilities in the meantime –
surveillance
over “currency manipulation,” in particular – its deliberations proved largely irrelevant.
In fact, Snowden’s revelations about US
surveillance
programs, and his own ongoing struggle to avoid extradition, reveal much about President Barack Obama’s conception of US foreign relations.
Finally, turning to Europe, Obama’s flippant attitude concerning alleged US
surveillance
of the European Union and its member states shows that American exceptionalism is alive and well.
By dismissing European concerns about how such
surveillance
is carried out, Obama has demonstrated one of America’s worst habits – that of patronizing Europe.
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