Structural
in sentence
2531 examples of Structural in a sentence
There are
structural
reasons for this change.
The Social Democrats, the Greens, the Left Party, and now possibly the left-libertarian Pirates (who polled close to 9% in the recent Berlin elections, but have yet to entrench themselves nationally) potentially represent a
structural
majority for the left.
This allows for the flexibility needed to address
structural
challenges at the local level, thereby preventing them from blocking growth.
As the Baltic example shows, quicker fiscal adjustments can drive
structural
changes.
Rapid fiscal adjustments drive
structural
reforms, which lead to faster economic growth.
Indeed, an able economic team that has been installed in the government seems – at long last – to be addressing some of the economy’s deep
structural
flaws.
Up to now, a focus on who has been appointed to what post – in particular, the appointment of the relatively inexperienced Federica Mogherini as EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy – has overshadowed the Commission’s
structural
transformation.
The remedy must lie in adopting the right
structural
reforms.
BUENOS AIRES – Today’s global currency war resembles real war in two important respects: a face-off over the
structural
imbalances between two large opponents – China and the United States – has forced uncomfortable smaller allies to take one side or the other, and third parties that may not be directly engaged are suffering collateral damage from both sides of the dispute.
Second, all of these leaders now face massive challenges stemming from the need for
structural
reforms to sustain satisfactory growth rates in the face of global economic forces that are disrupting old models.
Different types of
structural
reforms are crucially important in China, Japan, India, Korea, and Indonesia.
Some factors are cyclical, but others – state capitalism, the risk of a hard landing in China, the end of the commodity super-cycle – are more
structural.
That may be true, but it should not be permitted to obscure the underlying
structural
problem that the world economy is facing.
Many have not adjusted as advanced economies’ weakness reduces the room for export-led growth; and many delayed
structural
reforms needed to boost private-sector development and productivity growth, while embracing a model of state capitalism that will soon reveal its limits.
So the recent slowdown of growth in emerging markets is not just cyclical, owing to weak growth or outright recession in advanced economies; it is also
structural.
Europe and Japan can increase their growth by stepping up the pace of
structural
reform.
The official approach, Plan A, has been to pretend that these economies suffer a liquidity crunch, not a solvency problem, and that the provision of bailout loans – together with fiscal austerity and
structural
reforms – can restore debt sustainability and market access.
In particular, all countries need to reduce
structural
rigidity, which deters investment and hampers growth.
Since then, Japanese policymakers have been working to launch what Abe calls the third “arrow” of his agenda: arduous reforms of key industries and the demolition of
structural
barriers to growth.
Abe’s
structural
reforms will take time and political will to enact, but Japanese companies cannot afford to sit still.
But, whatever
structural
and institutional changes have occurred, from increasing the body’s powers to introducing new campaigning procedures, the results have remained lackluster.
First, the rise of an Arab political class that is more influenced by religion than by secular nationalism has eroded the main
structural
barrier to Turkish engagement.
Europe’s salvation now depends on a fundamental change in Germany’s economic-policy stance, and in France’s position on political integration and
structural
reforms.
Beyond political and fiscal unification and short-term growth policies, Europeans urgently need
structural
reforms aimed at restoring Europe’s competitiveness.
One popular line of thinking focuses on long-term
structural
factors, such as demographic transition.
But, so far, few studies have indicated that
structural
factors are adequate to explain the extent of the decline in China’s potential growth rate over the last couple of years.
Since assuming office in 2013, Premier Li Keqiang’s government has chosen not to loosen the previous government’s rigorous macro policies, instead hoping that the resulting pressure on existing industries might help to stimulate the authorities’ sought-after
structural
shift toward household consumption and services.
Indeed, although
structural
adjustment continues in China, the economy is facing an increasingly serious contraction in demand and continued deflation.
Of course, China needs to continue debt write-offs and swaps, and it must remain on the path of gradual
structural
reform.
With
structural
reforms having proved inadequate to deliver sustained growth, a change in the external environment is needed.
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