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Structural in sentence

2531 examples of Structural in a sentence

The EU countries are finally accelerating their implementation of structural reforms, but the starting point has become less favorable and political resistance too entrenched, as illustrated by the recent conflicts over reforms of French pensions and the German labor market.
The underlying structural changes that have occurred in China in recent years reinforce this optimism.
Europe’s national anthem, a circle of stars, and talk of fiscal rectitude and structural reforms cannot compete with the potent messages of the EU’s opponents.
The European Commission and multilateral lenders should help to facilitate ongoing structural change in the banking sector, including bank acquisitions and balance-sheet restructuring for viable export-driven companies.
Fiscal weakness, a resetting of real-estate values, and lower consumption all point to the potential for long-term structural unemployment.
The 1994 Plano Real, a macroeconomic stabilization program, together with subsequent structural reforms, enabled Brazil finally to quash inflation and ride a wave of cheap global liquidity and surging Chinese demand for commodities.
ECB President Mario Draghi claims that “a sustained recovery is taking hold,” while policymakers in Berlin and Brussels latch onto signs of life in Spain and Ireland as proof that their bitter prescription of fiscal consolidation and structural reforms worked as advertised.
As the country heads toward an election later this year, the European Commission has sanctioned the widening of its structural deficit.
To make progress the global norm, we will need to create a critical mass of countries that have both addressed the structural determinants of TB and appropriated adequate funding for treatments.
Then came the debt crisis of the 1980’s, the extreme structural reforms and financial collapses of the 1990’s, and a new global downturn in 2001.
Central banks need the flexibility to adapt policy to rapid structural change in the economy – and to clean up the mess that elections often leave behind.
Second, domestic de-leveraging dynamics are aggravating other structural impediments.
Fourth, in choosing cyclical measures to deal with structural problems, policymakers have complicated matters even more – a reflection, again, of their inability to understand the unusual challenges that they face.
The reason is simple: in most cases, the required structural measures involve immediate pain for longer-term gain – a tradeoff that politicians abhor, especially when they are subject to short election cycles.
But pity is not a free pass: we should also urge policymakers to shift from their traditional cyclical mindset to one that can better comprehend, and effectively address, the more complicated, yet critically important, structural issues that underlie today’s malaise.
They help workers and companies alike to tackle labor-market challenges, while meeting demand for flexibility (an important potential catalyst for both companies and workers) – that is, if certain structural and regulatory requirements are implemented.
Despite this, all that emerged from the meeting was an anodyne statement about pursuing structural reforms and avoiding beggar-thy-neighbor policies.
And an exceptional spate of budget deficits following German reunification in 1990 appeared only to aggravate, not solve, reunified Germany’s structural problems.
The structural budget deficit has also been smaller under Democratic presidents (1.5% of potential GDP) than when Republicans have been in office (2.2%), though this has not stopped Republicans from criticizing Democrats for excessive spending.
In a speech at the annual gathering of central bankers in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, in 2014, Mario Draghi, the ECB’s president, explained that three things could improve economic performance in Europe:But Draghi went on to predict that Germany would not create a fiscal deficit and that Italy and France would not undertake the needed structural reforms.
Several more narrowly economic issues – for example, defective growth patterns, underinvestment in tangible and intangible assets, and the absence of reforms designed to increase structural flexibility – remain a cause for concern, because they underpin subpar growth.
But this process has not occurred, and, as the interminable Greek crisis has shown, the eurozone remains rife with structural weaknesses and extremely vulnerable to internal shocks.
The resulting price stickiness tends to delay macroeconomic stabilization and structural adjustment, leading to rising debt and unemployment in weaker economies.
An Economic Agenda for ItalyMILAN – At the end of this month, Italian voters will choose their next government, from which they expect jobs and a more level economic playing field – and from which Italy’s European partners expect structural reforms and fiscal probity.
Meanwhile, fears of structural decline pervade the country.
That is certainly how things looked, with high levels of structural unemployment and a below-trend capital stock, at the end of the 1930’s, before mobilization and the European and Pacific wars began in earnest.
In order to escape the so-called “middle-income trap” – when a developing economy’s growth levels off, instead of advancing to high-income status (defined in July 2013 by the World Bank as per capita income of at least $12,616) – the underlying structural problems of China’s economy must be addressed.
(Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s bold economic-reform package, for example, is couched in terms of “three arrows” – namely, monetary and fiscal policy, and structural reform.)
These efforts demonstrated the need to have an effective legal system and functioning state institutions before embarking on big structural reforms.
In fact, the investment-led growth model that facilitated double-digit growth in the decade after 2001 has exacerbated structural weaknesses, which must now be addressed.
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