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Structural in sentence

2531 examples of Structural in a sentence

But, with Chinese growth slowing and the need for structural change becoming increasingly acute, will the economic-reform efforts of India’s new prime minister, Narendra Modi, enable the country to catch up?
India’s structural transformation and sustainable growth will hinge on its efforts to build a flexible labor market, centered on the easing of outdated and complicated employment laws.
Moreover, despite the recent banking reform legislation, the US has not yet resolved the structural deficiencies of its capital markets.
The benefits of such natural capital should provide greater income and investment in structural change.
We must embrace structural change and push for the diversification of Africa’s productive base away from over-dependence on raw materials and mining.
Structural change means constantly improving existing activities and generating new ones, moving from one sector to another and absorbing surplus labor, increasing the contribution of individual workers, and promoting the integration of productive sectors within the domestic economy.
Structural change in Malaysia, for example, has been driven by strong political commitment.
Likewise, Mauritius has made admirable progress in intra-industry structural change – upgrading within the same industry and improving the industry’s domestic and international position.
Africa’s demographic profile makes the call for structural change even more urgent.
Now that the country is opening up, investors are clearly hoping to establish sources of structural advantage that could last for many years.
France has been actively helping to stabilize the eurozone by encouraging structural progress, such as the establishment of a European banking union.
Beyond these structural and historical factors, there is the issue of personalities.
But it is wrong to believe that simplistic answers, such as more fiscal stimulus or more austerity, are a panacea; more often, the underlying problems relate to debt, structural rigidities, low investment, and weak competitiveness.
Both structural factors and the exchange rate are discussed.
The longer these disturbances persisted, the greater the threat to a global economy already challenged by structural weaknesses, income and wealth inequalities, pockets of excessive indebtedness, deficient aggregate demand, and insufficient policy coordination.
It requires a policy handoff instigated by more responsible behavior on the part of politicians on both sides of the Atlantic – one that undertakes the much-needed transition from over-reliance on central banks to a more comprehensive policy approach that deals with the economy’s trifecta of structural, demand, and debt impediments (and does so in the context of greater global policy coordination).
In that case, Europe could suddenly become a very different mirror for emerging countries, revealing, if not accentuating, their own structural weaknesses.
In economies with excess capacity (including human capital) and a high degree of structural flexibility, the multipliers are greater than once thought.
In the US, for instance, structural flexibility contributed to economic recovery and helped the country adapt to long-term technological changes and global market forces.
In Europe, by contrast, structural change faces resistance.
Fiscal stimulus in Europe may still be justified, but structural rigidity will lower its impact on long-term growth.
Structural reform and privatization have slowed, eroding investors' confidence.
But failure to address structural problems could expose the economy to external shocks in the long term.
The post-2010 recoveries in both countries came despite significant cuts in the structural (cyclically adjusted) budget deficit, suggesting that both recoveries occurred in the face of fiscal contraction.
According to the IMF estimates, the structural budget deficit was cut from 8.4% of potential GDP in 2010 to 4.1% in 2014 in the UK, and from 9.1% to 4% in the US during the same period.
It will include items such as the common agricultural policy, regional structural funds, and research and innovation.
In Japan, long-standing structural problems, such as aging, labor-market rigidities, and a generalized productivity malaise, can be addressed only through the so-called “third arrow” of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s reform agenda, which remains woefully incomplete.
Unfortunately, the more that central banks give the impression that that they are on the case, and the more that markets cheer them on, the less pressure there is on politically gridlocked governments to deploy fiscal policy and push through structural reforms.
Myopic authorities need to take less guidance from frothy financial markets and focus more on the structural repair of a post-crisis world.
Somewhat higher inflation in the surplus countries and larger cross-border resource transfers would give the deficit countries more time, allowing for structural reforms to produce results and reducing the need for deflation.
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