Structural
in sentence
2531 examples of Structural in a sentence
Moreover, even if duress facilitates
structural
reforms in some cases, it certainly does not do so in societies that have already experienced severe hardship.
Investment enhances productive capacity, while serving, in the context of
structural
change, as the leading transmission mechanism for technological innovations.
This is fine with Li, who recognizes that
structural
transformation and industrial upgrading – not an unsustainable credit-led growth model – is the key to achieving high-income status.
The global economic crisis accelerated the timetable for this process considerably, forcing China’s leaders to pursue it simultaneously with the economy’s
structural
transformation.
The deterioration of economic conditions is casting doubt on their governments’ budgetary arithmetic, undermining political support for
structural
reform, and reopening seemingly closed questions about the stability of banking systems.
A second argument against further monetary-policy action is that it should be considered only as a reward for budgetary austerity and
structural
reform, areas in which politicians continue to underperform.
Similarly, where
structural
reforms should rein in price growth by encouraging competition, leaders like Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti, finding it increasingly difficult to marshal support for unpopular measures, are watering down already-modest proposals to enhance labor-market flexibility.
There will be no economic growth at the end of the tunnel, and political support for
structural
reforms will continue to dissipate.
Without support from the ECB, both goals – economic recovery and political leaders’ commitment to
structural
reform – will remain purely aspirational.
But achieving it is not – in no small part because Europe's heavy reliance on bank finance stems from
structural
and cultural factors.
Unlike Keynesians, who focus on demand shocks, followers of the Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter view cost shocks as important potential catalysts for
structural
reform and industrial upgrading – both of which are needed to avoid falling into a low-growth rut in the long term.
If it fails to take advantage of the opportunity provided by the cost shock and economic slowdown to implement the necessary
structural
reforms, China’s potential growth rate, as dictated by TFP, will never rebound fully.
Given that improving overall productivity is the best way to defend against cost shocks, the new round of
structural
reform should be aimed at creating conditions for economic transformation and upgrading.
Aided by
structural
reforms, China’s economy could expand even faster, achieving 7-8% annual growth over the next ten years.
All have in common not only economic and policy weaknesses (twin fiscal and current-account deficits, slowing growth and rising inflation, sluggish
structural
reforms), but also presidential or parliamentary elections this year.
And Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff may embrace more stable macroeconomic policies and accelerate
structural
reforms, including privatization.
Structural
reforms imply the need to pay short-term costs for longer-term benefits.
Defective growth models in advanced countries, based on excess credit and domestic aggregate demand (and complicated by
structural
flaws and limited adjustment mechanisms in Europe), led to instability, a crisis, and a large negative shock to the real economy.
These figures give us a glimpse of both cyclical trends and China’s
structural
rebalancing away from exports and toward domestic consumption.
The results of the now-completed 12th Five-Year Plan were impressive – especially in light of the formidable challenge that
structural
change implies for any economy.
Strategy is China’s greatest strength, lending credibility to its commitment to
structural
transformation.
This positive trend is likely to persist, given that it is based on
structural
geographic and demographic factors, such as rising exports, improved trade conditions, and steadily increasing domestic consumption.
In view of the need for
structural
adjustment, the PBC should maintain a tight monetary stance.
China’s economic problems are more
structural
than cyclical.
While still able to exploit the scope for catch-up growth, emerging economies must undertake continuous, rapid, and at times difficult
structural
change, along with a parallel process of reform and institution building.
Why, then, do Latin American economists seem to share a cautious – even pessimistic – mood about future growth and convergence in the region, whereas most Asian economists, while conceding that further
structural
reforms are needed, believe strongly that Asia will continue to converge rather rapidly?
Latin America, however, will likely converge only very slowly in the absence of major
structural
reforms that increase its ability to invest and improve the quality of education.
To be sure, Africa owes its lack of industrialization more to
structural
factors such as unfavorable investment climates, insufficient infrastructure, and wayward industrial policies.
But, for the most part, fiscal and monetary policies have so far not followed leaders’ rhetorical promises of deep
structural
reforms and redistribution to favor the indigenous and the poor.
As a result, the new generation of leaders cannot introduce drastic
structural
reforms, badly needed in several countries, in a way that jeopardizes macroeconomic stability – without which none of their promises can be fulfilled.
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