Structural
in sentence
2531 examples of Structural in a sentence
But, as the advanced economies reformulate trade policy, it is critical that they understand that globalization was already undergoing a major
structural
transformation.
Likewise, a Chinese government think tank worked with the World Bank to produce the China 2030report, which outlines the
structural
reforms needed to strengthen the foundations of the country’s market-based economy and create a climate of open innovation.
Any
structural
transformation involves costs, trade-offs, and uncertainties, and it is vital that we understand these properly.
In 1847, the first major
structural
failure on Britain's expanding railway network occurred at Chester, England.
But they are still struggling to overcome blind spots and biases, both conscious and unconscious, stemming from
structural
and behavioral obstacles that women face, especially when trying to secure senior positions for which they are amply qualified.
There will be appeals to the European Central Bank to expand the monetary base, as if imitating the dollar were the answer to all the industrial, structural, and demographic problems plaguing Europe.
State and local reform movements are focused on four
structural
threats to democracy: gerrymandering; poorly designed primary processes; money in politics; and legislative procedures that impede compromise.
A final
structural
threat to American democracy is the partisan manipulation of legislative procedures.
But as California has shown,
structural
barriers to good governance can be eliminated through citizen-driven reforms.
Not only will politicians’ influence be towards monetary excess, which of course is a serious enough matter for a bank whose primary mandate is price stability, but also the excess will constitute a serious barrier to
structural
reform, which is essential for European prosperity in a competitive global economy.
For the uncompetitive parts of the eurozone,
structural
reforms can no longer be postponed.
Abe is doing what many economists (including me) have been calling for in the US and Europe: a comprehensive program entailing monetary, fiscal, and
structural
policies.
Unfortunately, across most economies, skills and capabilities do not seem to be keeping pace with rapid
structural
shifts in labor markets.
Four years ago, big Russian companies were interested in state subsidies, not
structural
reforms.
Still, if oil prices fall sharply, he will face a huge political problem: bold
structural
reforms usually require years, not months, to show results.
There are
structural
and infrastructural explanations: lack of training facilities, gymnasiums, running tracks, equipment, financial resources.
How they use monetary, fiscal, structural, institutional, and regulatory policies may differ, but each will ultimately be judged by how close he comes to achieving that goal.
Europe’s central bankers fear that their political masters will order them to loosen monetary policy, that the
structural
reforms needed to free up aggregate supply will not be forthcoming, and that the result will be a return to the inflation of the 1970’s.
They worry that even after undertaking
structural
reforms to reduce the attractiveness of unemployment benefits and increase the ability of workers to move to jobs and of firms to move to workers, central bankers will continue to insist on tight money.
Of course, these fears are accompanied by the hope that
structural
reforms and monetary expansion work in harmony, boosting employment and output without raising inflation by much.
But the reality is that steps toward looser monetary policies are non-existent – especially with the fledgling European Central Bank anxious to establish its inflation-fighting credibility – and that steps toward
structural
reforms are half-hearted, hesitant, and small.
After all, fiscal stimulus can work only if it supports private investment and is accompanied by much more ambitious
structural
reforms – the kind of reforms that France and Italy are currently resisting.
The German government can use its considerable leverage to compel France and Italy to pursue the
structural
reforms that both countries need, while allowing a growth-friendly demand stimulus to lift the threat of deflation hanging over the eurozone.
Europe needs a grand bargain, involving close coordination on
structural
reforms and fiscal and monetary policy.
But that tailwind may have been squandered, because the Kirchners have yet to make the
structural
changes – in industry, in the country’s energy policy, in education, and elsewhere – needed to free Argentina from extreme dependence on commodity prices.
In 2000, Chile created
structural
budget institutions that may have solved the problem.
Independent expert panels, insulated from political pressures, are responsible for estimating the long-run trends that determine whether a given deficit is deemed
structural
or cyclical.
The prevailing view in Germany is that post-recession growth can more likely be attributed to
structural
reforms that increase productivity and bolster competitiveness.
After all, what the eurozone needs now is not to save its weaker economies from default or even to boost long-term growth; rather, it needs to recover lost output and employment, particularly in the southern countries – goals that neither fiscal austerity nor
structural
reforms can achieve on its own.
And
structural
reforms have very limited bearing on short-run performance.
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