State
in sentence
10941 examples of State in a sentence
In state-dominated systems like China’s, developing an effective PRI – delineating market participants’ rights and responsibilities, ensuring the exchange platform’s transparency, and creating a fair and equitable process of dispute resolution – is particularly challenging, because the
state
acts as a regulator, asset owner, enterprise operator, and competitor in the market.
In the United States, the midterm congressional elections in November will be decided by whether enthusiasm about the
state
of the economy is strong enough to compensate for the widespread disapproval of Trump’s personal style and divisive, sexist, and racist rhetoric.
Canada approved the North American Free Trade Agreement only after its parliament confirmed that the agreement would not apply to water in its natural
state.
Far from leveling the playing field, this has made urban water management in most cities less equitable, because the
state
is unable to provide the necessary services in an efficient, sustainable, or comprehensive way.
But the fact is that the dismal
state
of urban water management – exemplified by the fact that 36% of the water in South African cities is either lost due to leakage or not paid for, compared to 3.7% in Tokyo and 8% in Phnom Penh – remains a leading reason for the shutdown.
Rural girls in the
state
average less than two years of schooling.
But the election result has more to do with the dire
state
of the economy than it does with the peace process.
Similarly, the unfinished reforms in China's banking sector and state-owned enterprises have been used as evidence of
state
subsidies for dumping activities.
Although the majority of China's exports now come from private companies that receive virtually no loans from
state
banks , American candidates in previous elections routinely sought to curry favor with working class voters by vowing to protect US jobs against China's supposedly unfair business practices.
Confusing matters further is the overlap among these groups, with some even receiving
state
support.
In the face of this asymmetry, America’s opponents – both
state
and non-state actors – began to emphasize unconventional tactics.
In return, the Protestant majority in the north accepted that republicans should not have to accept the symbols of a
state
to which they felt no loyalty.
A
state
becomes a world power when its strategic significance and potential give it global reach.
One hopes that the Trump administration – particularly the incoming secretary of state, Mike Pompeo – will heed these lessons as tensions with Iran heat up.
Overall, the policies proposed by Sanders and Clinton would take the US closer to a European-style social-welfare
state.
To this end, he is seeking to build a new political elite to serve in a National Front government and help overcome resistance to the party’s agenda from France’s “deep state.”
The cost for six months, regardless of how many courses a person takes, is $2,890 (including books and a mentor) – a bargain, compared to most
state
universities.
For all his deep emotional attachment to the idea of Israel embracing all of historical Judea and Samaria, Rabin knew that the only way to ensure a democratic Jewish
state
with viable, secure borders was to accept a Palestinian
state
alongside it, equally secure and viable.
They want full UN membership, but – facing inevitable veto of that option by the United States in the Security Council – are willing to accept as a fallback a majority vote by the General Assembly recognizing Palestine as a non-member “observer state,” the status now enjoyed by the Vatican.
The argument has been made that recognition as a state, even in limited form, will give Palestine the standing that it probably lacks currently to seek prosecutions in the International Criminal Court for alleged violations of international law.
Recognition as a
state
will not change the situation with respect to Hamas.
Of course, its current ideological hostility to Israel’s very existence is a serious issue; but Israel and the West should not compound their grievous mistake of not recognizing the legitimacy of its electoral victory in Gaza by rejecting any Palestinian
state
in which Hamas plays a governing role.
Ownership change was ruled off the reform agenda, however, reflecting not only ideological principles but, mainly, the desire to keep SOEs under the
state'
s control.
Resistance to reform could for a time be justified, so long as: 1 firms in the
state
sector retained a profitable position in a region's economy; 2. the mobility of
state
employees remained low; and 3, the non-state sector was not strong enough in both financial terms and entrepreneurial capability to take over the vast
state
sector.
As SOE profitability, despite their privileged position, continues to decline (it averaged less than 2% in 1995) because of ongoing deterioration in the management of assets and competition from the non-state sector, policymakers and workers in
state
industries begin to open their minds to the prospect of more change.
Such numbers mean that effective reform policies are gaining a constituency within the
state
sector.
To leave SOEs through layoffs, reemployment in the private sector, early retirement, or a lump sum payment becomes more palatable to SOE workers who fear that the
state
can no longer be a reliable provider of privileges and economic well being in a constantly evolving society.
With the growth of private savings, the capital restructuring of SOEs (putting private investors in control) without outright sales of
state
assets (ie, public redistribution of the capital stock) becomes feasible in both economic and political terms.
For in China a German-style "wirtschaftswunder" (economic miracle) has been growing up side by side with the
state
economy.
The tradition of
state
owned enterprise is coming to its end.
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