State
in sentence
10941 examples of State in a sentence
A strong
state
is needed to support nascent markets and enforce laws and regulation, and it must invest in productivity-enhancing education and health care.
But an honest look at the sorry
state
– and unpromising trajectory – of the global economy will, one hopes, help policymakers do what’s needed.
But to restore the vitality of science, we need to look at the entire educational system: teachers from pre-school through high school,
state
and national standards, productive and educationally reinforcing assessments, teaching materials and educational technology, and progress in the neurosciences, cognitive psychology, developmental biology, and nutrition.
Furthermore, like heads of
state
in other parliamentary systems, he has the right to appoint the government ministers and ambassadors, dissolve the parliament, and dismiss the cabinet.
Islamist parties will now have enormous influence on economic policy, after decades of official separation of mosque and
state.
If this preferred solution proves unacceptable, an alternative would be to strengthen Article II-52, to
state
clearly that the twelve "social rights" of Part II apply to the Union, but not to the member states, even when these are implementing Union directives.
By excising from the draft Constitution the prospect of a welfare
state
run by judges, its framers will increase the chances that Britain and other doubters will, in the end, ratify the final product.
No less than 41% of the voting-age adult population lives primarily on government transfers such as
state
pensions, full-scale public stipends, unemployment benefits, disability benefits, and social assistance.
Small wonder that a huge majority of the population – and even a slight majority of CDU voters – prefer a strengthening of the welfare
state
to a more market-oriented system.
Lafontaine now plays directly on the preferences of public transfer recipients and firmly occupies the left margin of German politics, dreaming the dream of the everlasting welfare
state
that can draw on unlimited resources.
But when the new legal framework demanded the creation of working
state
institutions that took time to create, quick reforms often had less than the desired effect.
Transferring title from
state
to private hands did not create enough real ownership.
Although some abuses could have been lessened, the main reason for failure was that reform of the
state
did not keep pace with economic reforms.
Where central planning was alive, as in Czechoslovakia, it may have made it more difficult to break the mold of loss-making
state
enterprises.
In largely agricultural China, huge
state
industrial enterprises had been less important, so their reform could have been postponed, and reliance could be placed on "starting afresh."
But in the more "advanced" socialist countries, such as Russia, where 90% of the population was employed in state-owned industries, restructuring the
state
sector – a much harder job in many ways – was a necessity, and an obstacle to quick recovery.
Stalinist purges in Russia left no independent institutions to stop the depredations of corrupt officials, managers, and the
state.
In the past, the CCP has responded to slowing growth with a surge in
state
spending meant to create jobs and keep the system humming.
This time, the authorities are allowing growth to slow at a measured pace, partly because the slowdown is a precondition for the kind of growth that does not depend on the state, and partly because the slowdown helps sustain demand for reform.
Its leaders now increasingly appear to believe that a new “Beijing Consensus” of mercantilism and
state
intervention has replaced the old “Washington Consensus” of free trade and deregulation.
The opposition Left Party is barely credible as an electoral force; but the far-right Alternative for Germany has been exploiting anti-immigrant sentiments and chipping away at the support of the government parties (Merkel’s Christian Democrats and the center-left Social Democrats) in subnational elections, including in Merkel’s home
state
of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania.
The good is a capable state: a bureaucracy that can protect the country and its people, keep the peace, enforce rules and contracts, provide infrastructure and social services, regulate economic activity, credibly enter into inter-temporal obligations, and tax society to pay for it all.
It is the absence of a capable
state
that causes corruption (the inability to prevent public officials, often in collusion with other members of society, from subverting decision-making for private gain), as well as poverty and backwardness.
Some might argue that reducing corruption entails the creation of a capable state; the good is created out of the fight against the bad.
As Francis Fukuyama has pointed out, the development of a capable
state
that is accountable and ruled by law is one of the crowning achievements of human civilization.
It involves the creation of a shared sense of “us,” an imagined community on whose behalf the
state
acts.
After all, who is the
state
for?
The
state
affects asset prices indirectly through its influence on inflation, interest rates, and the strength of the currency.
After all, the
state
determines the supply of fiat money and is responsible for energy and natural-resource conservation.
But there is a risk that the
state
can get important prices seriously wrong.
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