Shocks in sentence

1003 examples of Shocks in a sentence

These structural changes have put most Latin American economies on a sound footing, reducing their vulnerability to external shocks, such as deceleration in world economic growth, higher international interest rates, and lower commodity prices.

Four decades have passed since the oil-price shocks of the 1970’s.

Third, the region is already living in extreme poverty, so adverse shocks push it toward calamity.

The first type are those caused by major shocks, say an outbreak of war or a sudden, sharp increase in the price of petroleum.

Recall that the OPEC oil shocks of the 1970's incited two world recessions.

Growth must become more stable, with a consistently counter-cyclical macroeconomic policy stance, prudent capital-account management, and greater resilience to external shocks.

In most countries, a basic social-protection floor – which can help countries to mitigate the negative effects of shocks and prevent people from falling deeper into poverty – is affordable.

If a developing country has high savings (despite efforts to increase current consumption) as a result of structural factors, the best strategy is not to reduce savings through short-run “external shocks,” such as dramatic exchange-rate appreciation, which may kill export industries overnight.

That means investing in infrastructure (including digital) and education, enforcing land registration and property rights, and supporting research to preserve scarce resources, combat climate change, and improve sustainability and resilience to shocks.

Economic shocks are destabilizing countries and regions, and inflicting great social and financial hardships on families and their communities.

Households with more education cope better with economic shocks and with extreme weather events.

Abroad, he has moved to mitigate the blowback to Russia from a series of external political and economic shocks.

In particular, the African model appears to be underpinned by positive aggregate demand shocks generated either by transfers from abroad or by productivity growth in agriculture.

In 2015, no less than in 1989, European nation-states need more insurance against external pressures and strategic shocks than the nation-state can provide.

Recently, the US National Intelligence Council published four widely different scenarios for the world in 2020: Davos World, in which economic globalization continues, but with a more Asian face;Pax Americana, where the US continues to dominate the global order;New Caliphate, where Islamic religious identity challenges the dominance of western norms; and Cycle of Fear, in which non-state forces create shocks to security that produce Orwellian societies.

Because Irish, Portuguese, and Greek banks owed money largely to German, French, and Dutch banks, the external shocks to the weakest banks and economies were immediately shared with the strongest.

But that is not an argument that can be used at the present time, when eurozone risks are so lopsided (zero for the core and considerable for the periphery) and, among peripheral countries, so highly correlated (they are vulnerable to the same shocks, e.g., higher interest rates or low growth).

A limit on the “structural deficit” means that a country can run a deficit above the limit to the extent – and only to the extent – that the gap between revenue and spending is cyclical (that is, its economy is operating below potential due to temporary negative shocks).

First, were the regions to be united similar or dissimilar in terms of their economies’ vulnerability to external shocks?

If economic structures were dissimilar, then the second criterion became critical: Were arrangements in place to adjust to asymmetric shocks?

The two key arrangements that most economists emphasized were fiscal transfers, which could cushion shocks in badly affected regions, and labor mobility, which would allow workers from such regions to move to less affected ones.

Thus, in the aftermath of the sterling and lira devaluations of the early 1990’s, with their resulting adverse trade shocks to France and Germany, the lesson that was drawn was that a single currency was needed to prevent such disparate shocks from recurring.

But this overlooked a crucial feature of monetary unions: free capital mobility and elimination of currency risk – indispensable attributes of a currency area – could be (and were) the source of asymmetric shocks.

Currency unions, in other words, must worry about endogenous as much as exogenous shocks.

To the extent that monetary and fiscal arrangements fail to reduce or eliminate moral hazard, the risk that capital flows create these endogenous asymmetric shocks will remain commensurately high.

And looming in the background is a mountain of debt that makes markets nervous and increases the system’s vulnerability to destabilizing shocks.

With a strong regional market, ASEAN can drive its own economic destiny, rather than relying on demand from external markets, and will be better insulated against potential protectionist shocks.

Wherever one looks, using Marshall’s toolkit, one sees economic equilibrium pulling things back to normal, compensating for and attenuating the effects of shocks and disturbances.

And they need to have enough flexibility to respond quickly to short-term shocks.

The second implication of the absence of fiscal transfers is that countries need to invest more in other mechanisms to share the cost of shocks.

Related words