Saudi
in sentence
343 examples of Saudi in a sentence
Via their Afghan allies, Pakistan in particular but also
Saudi
Arabia, Iran, India, and Central Asian countries are embroiled in a fight for influence.
That reflects
Saudi
Arabia’s output increase of more than a million barrels a day, as well as mandated efficiency measures in the European Union, partly motivated by efforts to cut carbon dioxide emissions, which have contributed to a comparable drop in demand – by about 1.5% a year.
As Bruce Riedel, an ex-CIA analyst and former National Security Council member, recently noted, “Ironically,
[Saudi
intelligence chief Prince] Bandar was crucial to the transition in Syria from Hafez Assad to Bashar back in 2000, assuring key Alawite generals, then in the regime, that Bashar was up to the job and had
Saudi
support.”
Seven other
Saudi
jihadis who escaped to Yemen are also known to be active in Al Qaeda there.
With new Wahhabi madrasas popping up everywhere in Yemen because of
Saudi
financial support, it is small wonder that the number of Yemeni jihadis has grown exponentially.
Saudi
Arabia’s relationship with Yemen is unlike that with any other Arab country.
The apparent coincidence of Israeli and
Saudi
interests over Iran has fueled media reports that the two countries are coordinating strategies to confront the Islamic Republic.
Saudi
Arabia’s relationship with the US is more superficial.
Israeli use of
Saudi
air space, for example, would not remain a secret for long, forcing
Saudi
rulers to contend with a massive, popular anti-Zionist backlash at home and across the Arab world.
While Israel might countenance some official
Saudi
criticism as the price of its support, Arab public opinion might not be so easily mollified, especially in the absence of progress on the Palestinian issue.
Complicating matters for
Saudi
efforts to stabilize prices is the comparatively new challenge of rapid growth in US production.
This became clear on September 11, 2001, when it emerged that 15 of the 19 attackers sent by al-Qaeda were
Saudi
citizens.
Saudi
Arabia’s ambitious 32-year-old crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman (widely known by his initials, MBS), who is overseeing an historic (and destabilizing) transformation of the Kingdom’s economy, has ordered the arrest of many of the country’s most powerful princes and officials.
Saudi
leaders also denounced Hezbollah – Lebanon’s Iran-backed Shia militia – for aiding the Houthis.
True, Israel’s chief of staff, General Gadi Eisenkot, spoke in a rare interview with a
Saudi
newspaper about the “many shared interests” between the two countries.
But it is folly to think that Israel would engage in full-scale war north of its border for
Saudi
Arabia’s sake.
Saudi
women remain prohibited from driving cars, traveling on their own, and working or studying without the permission of a male relative.
Saudi
society, and those of some other Gulf States, lacks minimum levels of political freedom and participation.
Saudi
Arabia’s Phony War on TerrorBERLIN – Containing the scourge of Islamist terror will be impossible without containing the ideology that drives it: Wahhabism, a messianic, jihad-extolling form of Sunni fundamentalism whose international expansion has been bankrolled by oil-rich sheikhdoms, especially
Saudi
Arabia.
Western leaders have recognized the
Saudi
role for many years.
From this perspective,
Saudi
Arabia’s surprise announcement of a 34-country anti-terror alliance, with a joint operations center based in Riyadh, is a logical step, aimed at blunting growing Western criticism, while boosting Sunni influence in the Middle East.
Saudi
warplanes have bombed homes, markets, hospitals, and refugee camps in Yemen, leading critics to accuse the Kingdom of deliberately terrorizing civilians to turn public opinion against the Houthis.
Saudi
Arabia’s solutions have often controverted the objectives of its American allies.
King Fahad, the longest-serving king in
Saudi
Arabia’s history (24 years), is dead.
The reformers have less authority but are the acceptable face of the
Saudi
dictatorship internationally.
Indeed, Prince Naif, the Minister of the Interior and leader of the hardliners, has either silenced or imprisoned hundreds of the key
Saudi
reformers.
For the West, this dilemma has been thrown into sharp relief by the murder of the self-exiled
Saudi
journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the hands of a
Saudi
death squad in Turkey.
For two weeks in November and December of that year, a group of armed zealots seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca (Islam’s holiest site) and called for the overthrow of the
Saudi
government.
Ultimately, they were overpowered by the
Saudi
military.
But the episode left the
Saudi
leadership far more inclined to compromise with, and even directly assist, Islamist radicals and extremists.
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