Saudi
in sentence
343 examples of Saudi in a sentence
In 1993, when Clinton needed a quote from the Koran to go alongside those from the Old and New Testament for a ceremony marking an Israeli-Palestinian accord, he turned to the
Saudi
ambassador.
Though al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, himself a
Saudi
national, recruited 15 of the 19 hijackers from the Kingdom, senior
Saudi
officials dismissed the implications.
In a November 2002 interview, the
Saudi
interior minister simply deemed it “impossible,” before attempting to redirect blame by accusing Jews of “exploiting” the attacks and accusing the Israeli intelligence services of having relationships with terrorist organizations.
The Turks claim they have audio and video revealing his death, and Senator Lindsey Graham warned, “If it did happen there would be hell to pay,” while Senator Benjamin Cardin has threatened to target sanctions at senior
Saudi
officials.
Though the US no longer needs
Saudi
oil, thanks to its shale reserves, it does need the Kingdom to regulate production and thereby stabilize markets.
Former
Saudi
bashers such as Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s confidant Dore Gold now meet with the Kingdom’s officials.
There is certainly a special animus to Saudi-Iran relations, particularly given the
Saudi
view that Iran is instigating Shia restiveness in the region.
The nuclear issue is just one of many
Saudi
concerns, and it pales in comparison to the sectarian struggles unfolding in the Arab Middle East.
Iran, the Sunni powers (led by
Saudi
Arabia), Israel, Russia, China, and the US must be convinced to stop fueling the region’s proxy wars.
Or you will be told stories about how
Saudi
trained imams are twisting the girls’ arms, turning them into unwilling stalking-horses for “Islam.”
With oil exports accounting for nearly 90% of government revenue, the pressure on
Saudi
finances has been intense; the fiscal balance has swung from a small surplus in 2013 to a deficit of more than 21% of GDP in 2015, according to projections by the International Monetary Fund.
One would expect that, with the rising Iranian threat fostering tacit security cooperation between Israel and its more stable Arab neighbors (particularly
Saudi
Arabia), Netanyahu would aspire to resolve the Palestinian issue, thus removing the last obstacle to an overt strategic partnership.
Allowing women to join the
Saudi
military is a major step forward – one to which women have contributed greatly.
Had Iran been allowed to solidify its alliance with the Houthis unobstructed, Northern Yemen would have become another South Lebanon, with an Iranian proxy actively working to subvert
Saudi
national security.
Moreover, claims that the
Saudi
coalition has intentionally targeted civilians – or infrastructure, for that matter – have not been substantiated by neutral parties.
The extent to which this extremism is a product of
Saudi
Arabia’s energetic promotion of its Wahhabi ideology is for Muslims to debate themselves.
The country hasn’t had a president for two years, as rival political factions, reflecting the rising enmity between their Iranian and
Saudi
Arabian backers, are weakening domestic governance.
Saudi
Arabia’s Old Regime Grows OlderLONDON – The contrast between the deaths, within two days of each other, of Libya’s Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi and
Saudi
Crown Prince Sultan bin Abdel Aziz is one of terminal buffoonery versus decadent gerontocracy.
Sultan’s death is the first time that the burial of a
Saudi
royal has been delayed to give the ruling family time to decide on the next in line – a sign of internal discord (and concord on the continuation of dynastic rule).
Many
Saudi
subjects feel the same pattern of continuous uncertainty and torpor.
Denial remains the
Saudi
rulers’ dominant mindset.
In the 1980s, under President Ronald Reagan, the US (with funding from
Saudi
Arabia) trained thousands of Islamic extremists to fight against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan.
Saudi
power and US acquiescence managed to stifle democratic agitation in the Gulf, but the region’s dynasties cannot expect to slip history’s noose once and for all.
One of the cases that illustrated the kind of “tourism” encouraged by the law involved a suit by a
Saudi
businessman against an American author who said in her book that the businessman had provided financial support to Al Qaeda.
After some years of such a
Saudi
protectorate over the Palestinians, serious negotiations - more or less based on Crown Prince Abdullah's proposals for an overall agreement - could be re-launched.
Meanwhile, on the Kingdom’s southern border,
Saudi
leaders now face a very dangerous and uncertain situation in Yemen, the region’s weakest state, where Al Qaeda elements continue to require international attention.
Indeed, though
Saudi
Arabia’s institutional structures certainly will maintain considerable continuity, some would describe this apparent stability as stagnation.
Saudi
pressure on Somaliland has ranged from banning livestock imports between 1996-2006, to threatening to reject the Somaliland passports of Hajj pilgrims.
The Palestinians’ current unity government resulted from
Saudi
mediation, which came in response mainly to Iran’s ambition to increase its influence, not only in Iraq, but also in Lebanon, Gaza, and the West Bank.
Given this,
Saudi
Arabia’s leadership – regardless of what temporary results are achieved through the Vienna talks – will continue to work hard to ensure that Assad is removed from power and that the mayhem is finally brought to an end.
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