Saudi
in sentence
343 examples of Saudi in a sentence
In addition to enjoying the tacit protection of the Trump court, he knows that the world is still heavily dependent on
Saudi
oil.
The top priority for the new
Saudi
leadership under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is to consolidate power, which the prince is doing by associating himself with an effort to attack corruption in the Kingdom and by pursuing a nationalist, anti-Iranian foreign policy.
Since September 11th,
Saudi
Arabia has felt intense pressure to explain (and explain away) its links to Osama bin Laden’s al-Qaeda terrorist network because fifteen of the nineteen plane hijackers were Saudis (indeed, the majority of prisoners held by the US at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba are said to be
Saudi
citizens) and Saudis are often viewed as a major source of al-Qaeda’s finances.
Moreover, it is alleged that the
Saudi
government has become preoccupied with appeasing America, despite the beginning of the second Palestinian intifada, and Israel’s ongoing occupation of Palestine.
At the same time,
Saudi
public opinion has been inflamed, mostly because of their rulers’ apparent apathy toward the plight of the Palestinian people, particularly when contrasted with Osama bin Laden’s lethal propaganda.
Since the terrorist attacks of September 11th,
Saudi
leaders have felt pressed to accommodate public revulsion about the mistreatment of the Palestinians, but worry that doing so may even further jeopardize their now brittle relations with America.
America’s seemingly hostile attention gave rise to the speculation that Crown Prince Abdullah’s initiative really denotes a
Saudi
public relations counteroffensive, hatched in the
Saudi
embassy in Washington to cover over the rift with the US.
Indeed, the subsequent, deafening silence by other
Saudi
leaders to the proposal appears to confirm it as a public relations move for which they need not risk any of their own domestic political capital.
This curriculum, exported Westward by fat
Saudi
subsidies, is heavily punctuated with denunciations of the infidels and calls to jihad.
Nonetheless, today’s
Saudi
princes appear to recognize that something has genuinely changed in the Middle East: The younger generation of Arabs is no longer prepared to accept unaccountable, corrupt, and brutal governments.
Saudi
troops marched into Bahrain under the banner of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the
Saudi
rulers issued clear instructions to adopt an iron-fisted policy with the demonstrators, again arguing that Iran’s nefarious hand was at play in subverting the country.
It is far from clear that a
Saudi
policy of stability at all costs will strengthen the regime.
The case begins, as it did in January 2015, by observing that the oil market is no longer controlled by the monopoly power of OPEC (or the
Saudi
government and OPEC).
Saudi
Arabia’s Shia Stand UpBEIRUT – On February 24, violent confrontations between Shia pilgrims and the
Saudi
religious police and security forces occurred at the entrance to the Prophet Mohamed’s Mosque in Medina.
And now, the regime’s policies of repression, discrimination, and antagonism directed at the Shia and other politically marginalized groups increasingly threaten the
Saudi
state with disintegration.
The Shia are a special case, constituting 75% of the population in the Eastern Province, the Kingdom’s main oil-producing region, and identifying far more strongly with Shia across the border in Iraq than with the
Saudi
state.
Although, the
Saudi
security forces, the National Guard, and the marines crushed the rebellion, the domestic tensions that fueled it remain.
The
Saudi
religious establishment has long been on alert to this rival and threatening entity.
None of the dynastic monarchies, some of them far more repressive (like
Saudi
Arabia) were confronted by serious popular challenges, with the exception of small Bahrain, owing to a sectarian divide between its Shia majority and Sunni rulers.
Lebanese adversaries of Syria have resisted such demands, but the Egyptian and
Saudi
stance highlights how, for reasons of self-interest, Arab regimes rarely like to see fellow despots fall.
Indeed, the Egyptian and
Saudi
attitude contrasts starkly with that of two Western powers with extensive influence in Lebanon, the United States and France, which support the UN inquiry wherever it might go.
Are we to believe that landholders fare better with Chinese or
Saudi
investors?
He is a
Saudi
patriot, who is not opposed to his country’s system of rule.
Yes, he has critiqued policies, such as the inhumane war in Yemen and how
Saudi
rulers deal with dissent.
Adding to the supply-side changes was
Saudi
Arabia’s subsequent historic announcement that it would no longer lead OPEC in playing the role of swing producer.
Playing the role of swing producer was coming at a growing cost to both current and future generations of
Saudi
citizens.
Moreover, by siding with the
Saudi
government over his own intelligence agencies in the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in October, Trump has made clear that opposing Iran and purchasing US arms is one of the quickest ways to his heart.
As former US Senator Bob Graham, the lead author of the classified Senate report on the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, put it earlier this year, “ISIS is a product of
Saudi
ideals” and “Saudi money.”
The
Saudi
government has been implementing radical changes, both domestically and in its foreign policy, and its reasons for doing so are not entirely clear.
Indeed, perhaps to satisfy the desire of the United States, a key ally, for a new generation of
Saudi
rulers, the 89-year-old Abdullah passed over his octogenarian brothers and appointed the youngest, 65-year-old Prince Migrin, as Second Deputy, putting him first in line to the throne after Salman.
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