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Sanctions in sentence

2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence

This agenda’s interventionism is incremental: tougher economic sanctions, demands that China exercise its influence, creation of a “no-fly zone,” and military force against the Sudanese army.
Existing Western sanctions, for example, have merely driven the Sudanese regime into the arms of China, Indonesia, and Malaysia.
He wanted to thank Australia for the very significant role our country had played in sustaining the pressure for change, particularly under Bob Hawke’s government, and in leading the global charge for financial sanctions on the apartheid regime.
So, sitting face to face across the Zambian president’s dining table, it was just the two of us, for an hour or more, chatting away comfortably about everything from United Nations sanctions to the end of the Cold War to our children’s careers.
US relations with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia are two examples, and America’s Chevron and France’s Total, two of the world’s oil giants, continue to do a brisk business in Myanmar, thanks to loopholes in the sanctions.
It certainly sounds rational, especially compared to a more diplomatic approach of lifting some economic sanctions in exchange for, say, cooperation in Syria.
But the stick option – reinforcing the sanctions regime against Russia – may not do the trick, either.
For Russia’s wealthy and powerful, sanctions have little impact.
In any case, Europe and the US are nowhere close to a consensus on toughening sanctions.
Iran’s Crippled CurrencyMONTREAL – Escalating economic woes, aggravated by increasingly stringent international sanctions that prohibit transactions with Iran’s central bank and oil companies, are fueling unrest in Iran, as the value of the country’s currency, the rial, plummets.
Reluctant to engage militarily with Iran, and facing increasing pressure from Israel, the United States will most likely continue to push for and apply tough economic sanctions, with two major objectives in its sights.
While Iran’s leaders have often downplayed the sanctions’ impact, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has recently cited them as the primary culprit behind Iran’s economic turmoil.
But Iran is unlikely to be able to take advantage of the rial’s low value to restructure its economy, or to increase exports in the short run, given that oil remains the country’s most important export, and current sanctions severely limit the quantities in which it can be sold.
In order to defuse the current economic panic, Iranian officials have proposed a nine-step plan, in which they would gradually suspend production of medium-enriched uranium in exchange for the immediate dismantling of sanctions.
International linkages – or, rather, sanctions that blocked the benefits of such linkages – were vital to Libya’s decision to denuclearize and Iran’s willingness to reach an agreement with world powers regarding its nuclear program.
Sanctions have been less effective in North Korea, largely because the population did not know what it was missing.
The aftermath of the August crisis may be the moment to think seriously about how to balance continued sanctions on North Korea with deeper economic and social ties.
Russia and China, which claim to oppose the emergence of a nuclear-armed Iran, are now being pressed to support new, tough sanctions to increase the odds it does not happen.
But if history is a guide, even strong sanctions may not be enough to persuade Iran’s rulers to negotiate constructively and accept meaningful constraints on their nuclear activities.
Such measures include assisting the Green Movement so that it can maintain access to the Internet, introducing additional sanctions aimed at the Revolutionary Guard, and publicly supporting the political and legal rights of the Iranian people.
Though the deal does slow Iran’s development of nuclear weapons, it does not restrain – or even address – the regime’s hegemonic ambitions in the region, for which it has already spent billions of dollars and suffered crippling sanctions.
After more than a decade of diplomatic isolation and economic sanctions, its status as a threshold nuclear state has been internationally legitimized.
Hence, the soft method, and the absence of sanctions for countries delaying the process.
Here, there is a strong case for having EU-wide targets rather than simply national objectives and sanctions for countries that do not liberalize their markets.
In the US Congress, Democrats and Republicans alike have promised to end weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and impose sanctions if its government is shown to have murdered Khashoggi.
The Turks claim they have audio and video revealing his death, and Senator Lindsey Graham warned, “If it did happen there would be hell to pay,” while Senator Benjamin Cardin has threatened to target sanctions at senior Saudi officials.
America’s belief that a harsh sanctions regime could coax Iran into a deal has proved – at least so far – to be unrealistic.
More important, even though the severe sanctions regime led by the United States is bound to be imperfect – it only hardens further Iran’s resistance to “America’s designs.”
While the Western powers have embraced ever-harsher sanctions, Russia and China view Iran as a tool in their global competition with the US.
But, while China has supported the mandatory sanctions set by the United Nations Security Council, it has rejected the West’s unilateral measures.
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