Sanctions
in sentence
2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence
Even with new
sanctions
in the offing, dialogue still offers the best prospect for peacefully resolving what may be the world’s most dangerous dispute.
It is conditional on beneficiaries’ having signed on to a fiscal treaty that commits them to budgetary responsibility and makes them liable to quasi-automatic
sanctions.
Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping’s government – grateful for Japan’s reluctance to maintain punitive
sanctions
over the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre and eager for international recognition, not to mention Japanese capital and commercial technologies – had extended seven invitations over two years.
Introducing such targeted
sanctions
would be an indisputable sign that the West will not compromise on its fundamental values – values that Putin’s Russia claims to share.
Imposing travel
sanctions
on suspected human-rights abusers is a sensible and practical way forward.
The West needs to impose financial and energy
sanctions
to deter Russia in Ukraine; but it also must not lose sight of the need to work with Russia on other issues.
In the short term, there are concerns that oil production will peak soon, owing not to the unavailability of reserves, but to obstacles to investment – for example, access to reserves, sanctions, and policy uncertainty.
The likelier outcome is that a victorious Putin would have many friends in Europe, and that the
sanctions
on Russia would be allowed to lapse.
Under US law, the president is required to certify to Congress every 90 days that Iran has not breached the agreement, and that the continued suspension of
sanctions
is “vital to the national security interests” of the US.
In early September, Nikki Haley, the US ambassador to the United Nations, suggested that to torpedo the deal, Trump could simply argue that Iran’s other misdeeds were damaging enough to merit
sanctions.
The US alone would be unable to impose sufficiently powerful
sanctions
on Iran to secure that outcome, while the European Union – the primary architect of the JCPOA – would be highly unlikely to re-impose
sanctions
on an Iran that is complying with its commitments.
The JCPOA is a rare recent example of international cooperation, and demonstrates the viability of a broad-based
sanctions
regime.
Success will require tough talk, conditionality, and, yes, more
sanctions.
Together with Germany, France intends to draw up a list of uncooperative countries and to design a tool kit of appropriate
sanctions.
Indeed, they seem unwilling to back up their warnings of “costs” and “consequences” with meaningful measures like asset freezes, trade sanctions, and travel restrictions – reinforcing Putin’s belief that they will continue to choose their relationships with Russia over protecting Ukraine’s territorial integrity.
European countries must work together to dismantle human-smuggling operations and impose severe criminal
sanctions
on their organizers.
On the fiscal side, Germany had started by insisting on bolstering
sanctions.
Moreover, for ten years, stewardship from Brussels has failed to bring about reform of national policies, and it is not clear that additional or more automatic
sanctions
would elicit a greater sense of “ownership” of the rules.
Those powers should make it clear that they will not re-impose sanctions, and that any US attempt to impose its will through extraterritorial measures – say, using access to dollar clearing systems as a foreign-policy tool – would be countered by coordinated action.
Rasheed is just turning 40, and his life reflects his country’s dramas: part of what has been called a “lost generation” of Iraqi artists and intellectuals, he and his friends were isolated for years by
sanctions.
By participating in coordinated economic
sanctions
against the Kim regime, and by reportedly capping vital exports of oil and other essentials to the North, China has played its part in bringing Kim to the table.
Trump’s predecessor, Barack Obama, took a principled stand in US dealings with Venezuela, imposing
sanctions
to rein in rogue behavior, a policy that drew broad bipartisan support.
First, the
sanctions
imposed so far – visa cancellations, asset seizures or freezes, and the like – will not give Sevastopol back to Ukraine, but they will eventually bite, at least in certain Russian business sectors.
There are simply no alternatives right now, and applying the entire gamut of
sanctions
from the outset would leave the EU and the US without further options.
Second, and much more important, a tacit anti-appeasement ultimatum has been issued to the Kremlin: additional expansion in Ukraine will lead to much stronger and more painful
sanctions.
Economic
sanctions
on Russia may eventually hurt, and the Kremlin may desist from further encroachment; but the Ukrainian crisis is largely impervious, in the short term, to outside involvement.
Many people hoped that Iran’s leaders, despite their extremism, would accept the offer if only to avoid
sanctions
– which are sure to come even if China and Russia refuse to support them in the United Nations Security Council.
Instead of waiting passively for sanctions, Iran’s leaders decided to start a Middle East crisis by organizing attacks against Israel.
And the West’s policies toward Russia – economic
sanctions
or military exercises in border countries like Poland – are not necessarily wrong.
A New Chance for DarfurNEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY – As the crisis in Sudan’s Darfur region worsens and negotiaitions to end it drag on, an international consensus is emerging around a “muscular” policy based on public denunciation, severe economic sanctions, and, increasingly, threats of military force.
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