Sanctions
in sentence
2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence
As a result, India’s policy mirrors China’s: it has aligned itself with mandatory international sanctions, but has abjured voluntary Western financial restrictions.
Yes, a harsh
sanctions
regime might still gain additional supporters, but an Iran with its back against the wall would probably be even more obstinate in its nuclear drive.
The diplomacy of sanctions, ostracism, and brinkmanship has failed resoundingly.
But its other intention was probably to stymie American efforts to adopt new United Nations
sanctions
on Iran.
Nevertheless, the effort to preempt American strategy clearly failed, as new UN
sanctions
were implemented earlier this month.
Instead of trying to explore the possibilities presented by the Brazilian/Turkish opening, the US quickly pushed the UN Security Council for more
sanctions
(the fourth round so far) on Iran.
This forced Brazil and Turkey, both currently non-permanent members of the Security Council, to vote against the
sanctions
resolution.
China appears to have taken the message to heart, as it voted in favor of
sanctions
on Iran for the first time.
Critics of the agreement ought to be pressed to explain how more
sanctions
could achieve better results than they have shown thus far.
Minutes after the announcement of the agreement, many critics condemned it, arguing that if
sanctions
had worked to bring the Iranians to the table, surely
sanctions
would have soon brought them to their knees.
But the argument that
sanctions
would work better than negotiations flies in the face of the facts: despite stronger sanctions, Iran has dramatically increased its uranium-enrichment capacity.
It is instructive to consider whether those who suggest that a country like Iran would capitulate over the freezing of some bank accounts would themselves give in to the sort of coercion posed by
sanctions.
What is on offer to Iran is not just relief from economic sanctions;Iran is being offered membership in the international community – an outcome that some Iranian leaders (though obviously not all) clearly want.
Last year, plunging energy prices and international
sanctions
contributed to a 3.7% fall in GDP.
Under current conditions, neither higher energy prices nor the lifting of
sanctions
would likely be enough to reinvigorate the country’s moribund economy.
In 2014, the net worth of those who are subject to
sanctions
by the US and EU was estimated at around $17 billion; one sanctioned bank alone holds assets valued at more than $11 billion.
To be sure, the threat of US
sanctions
against European companies operating in Iran leaves the EU with an unenviable choice.
EU leaders also must make clear that if Iran resumes nuclear enrichment or blocks access to inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency, the
sanctions
regime that was in place before 2015 will be reinstated.
At the same time, the EU should assure Iran that as long as it keeps its commitments under the JCPOA, then the EU will protect its companies from US
sanctions
and the extra-territorial effects of US legislation, as it did in response to US
sanctions
against Cuba in the 1990s.
During the Reagan Administration, trade legislation that threatened unilateral
sanctions
if others did not negotiate helped create the conditions that prodded other countries to move forward with the creation of the World Trade Organization and its dispute settlements mechanism.
Even as our Russian interlocutors agreed on the importance of cooperation in the Arctic, they vigorously supported their country’s annexation of Crimea and insisted that US
sanctions
on Russian oil and gas projects in the Arctic have dangerously injected geopolitical issues into the region.
The US and Europe, for their part, have held firm on
sanctions
and regard Russia’s heightened military presence in the Arctic as provocative and unnecessary.
India’s detonation of a nuclear device in 1998, however, triggered a fresh round of US
sanctions.
But Western
sanctions
have not worked, either.
Western
sanctions
instead paved the way for investments in Myanmar by those with less concern about human rights violations – first by ASEAN neighbors in hotels and other sectors, and more recently by China and India, which are vying for projects and influence in the strategic energy sector.
While ASEAN rejected previous calls to impose sanctions, or even to expel Myanmar, this step shows that it will not remain inert regardless of what the generals do.
One is the decision by the United States to reconsider its policy of sanctions, becoming more flexible while remaining true to its values and interests.
But the Americans concluded that international
sanctions
had brought North Korea to its knees, leaving Kim desperate to conclude a deal on US terms.
By validating Trump’s self-serving belief that tough
sanctions
bend countries to America’s will, Moon gained political cover from US foreign-policy hawks unhappy about diplomatic overtures to Kim.
To Kim, who expects to rule for decades, the reinstatement of US
sanctions
against Iran signaled that a deal concluded with one administration could be canceled without penalty by the next.
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