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Sanctions in sentence

2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence

Israel ’s fear that the failure of sanctions might bring the United States to accept coexistence with a nuclear-armed Iran in the way it did with the Soviet Union during the Cold War is not entirely unfounded.
Tax evasion is usually confronted in two ways: audits and harsh sanctions.
He then marshaled an unprecedented international coalition that backed sanctions and the threat of force, sent a half-million US troops halfway around the world to join hundreds of thousands from other countries, and, when diplomacy failed to bring about a complete and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal, liberated Kuwait in a matter of weeks with remarkably few US and coalition casualties.
Creditors, asserting their right to be repaid in full, historically have created as many legal and political obstacles to default as possible, insisting on harsh sanctions – garnishment of income, for example, and, at the extreme, imprisonment or even slavery – for borrowers’ failure to honor their debt obligations.
Pious talk about reworking the UN sanctions is another version of the second alternative - that is, of doing nothing.
It means that the Iraqi people will continue to suffer - both from Saddam's brutalities, as well as from the consequences of the sanctions caused by his continued rule.
They should also be offered the lifting of sanctions on Iraq provided that they - after getting rid of Saddam - accept the resumption of a UN inspection regime.
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and annexation of Crimea was met with heavy economic sanctions from Europe and the United States, weakening Russia’s ties with the West and leaving the Kremlin eager to strengthen ties with China.
Western sanctions, which seemed to constitute only a pinprick a few months ago, appear to have inflicted serious damage, with the ruble having lost nearly half its value against the US dollar last year.
The breakthrough in bilateral ties came a decade ago, when the US lifted sanctions introduced in response to India’s nuclear weapons program and then signed an accord paving the way for US involvement in India’s civil nuclear energy program.
For starters, Japan is a participant in the US-led sanctions that were imposed on Russia after it annexed Crimea in March 2014.
These sanctions have pushed Russia closer to its traditional rival, China; and Putin has publicly identified the sanctions as a hindrance to concluding a peace treaty with Japan.
The US-led sanctions regime and low oil prices have battered the Russian economy, which is expected to contract by 0.8% in 2016.
It cannot opt out of the US-led sanctions regime; and it cannot exempt the disputed Kurils from its security treaty with the US, especially now that it has been urging the US to provide an explicit commitment to defend the Japanese-controlled Senkaku Islands, over which China claims sovereignty.
But they have persisted on this course in the face of a fierce campaign to dissuade them – including threats of Israeli sanctions and a cut-off of financial support to the Palestinian Authority by the US Congress – owing to their wholly understandable lack of confidence that anything will move without some new spark.
This means that he will be accountable to and dependent on those who raised him to power, not in a symbolic sense, but in the quite real sense of fulfilling promises and facing sanctions if he does not.
In South Africa, it was arguably the economic pressure brought by sanctions which eventually brought down the racist Apartheid system; but by the same token, it was economic support from the outside--including loans from multinational banks--which kept the system going for so long.
Those who contributed to maintaining Apartheid--and especially those who did not adhere to the sanctions after the UN approved them--should be held accountable.
The EU’s suspension of sanctions and general readiness to engage constructively make sense.
Moreover, Saudi Arabia’s imposition of its preferred policies on the GCC, together with the possibility of sanctions on Qatar, risks jeopardizing all that the GCC (which already has fallen into political decline in the wake of the Arab Spring) has achieved over the past 33 years.
Given such sentiments, it will prove almost impossible at the review conference to build a consensus in favor of further necessary strengthening of the non-proliferation regime, with improved safeguards, export controls, security disciplines, and sanctions against withdrawal from the treaty.
The US has not agreed to accept such sanctions for failing to meet emissions targets; but, without penalties, the exercise is largely futile and only encourages cynicism about the effort to combat climate change.
Both countries fear that intervention – whether militarily or through economic sanctions – could harm their interests in Syria, where they – especially the Russians – have been the dominant external players.
Likewise, proclaimed support for disparate, barely-known rebel groups; demands for dead-on-arrival sanctions resolutions; feckless calls for Assad’s departure (as if he plans to take the advice); and half-baked ideas about enforced “safe areas” (an utter failure in Bosnia) are unlikely to spare many lives, much less bring about the endgame that is so desperately needed.
The fact that we have to ask shows that the current mechanisms for defending liberal democracy are ineffective, and that sanctions will never enter into force.
In response, US President Barack Obama’s administration has been working through the United Nations Security Council to impose tougher economic sanctions.
First, tighter sanctions make sense only as a diplomatic tool, not as a blunt instrument of coercion.
The new sanctions simply are not severe enough to intimidate Iran into submission, and more restrictive ones would not pass muster within the Security Council.
Accordingly, if tougher sanctions prove to be useful, they will do so by confronting Iran with a united diplomatic front, thereby encouraging its government to make a deal in order to end the country’s isolation.
New sanctions are warranted, but as a complement, not an alternative, to diplomacy.
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