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Sanctions in sentence

2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence

The hope is that economic sanctions, together with Russian casualties on the ground, will force Russia humbly to accept its post-Cold War status as a third-rate power, while sending the additional message that any effort to revise the US-led world order is doomed to fail – with serious economic costs.
Making Economic Sanctions on North Korea WorkCAMBRIDGE – Last week, in a brazen rebuff to tough new United Nations sanctions, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un’s regime fired a ballistic missile over the northern Japanese island of Hokkaido – its second launch over Japan in less than three weeks.
But, far from indicating that sanctions don’t work, Kim’s move shows that they still aren’t tough enough.
The latest sanctions cap oil imports, ban textile exports, and penalize designated North Korean government entities.
Following Kim’s response, sanctions should be tightened even further, to stop all trade with North Korea, including halting all fuel imports.
Yet China’s economy would barely register the effect of new sanctions: North Korea’s annual GDP, at a meager $28 billion, constitutes little more than a rounding error for its giant neighbor.
The lack of viable commercial alternatives and the massive asymmetry of power between North Korea and those imposing sanctions mean that a stricter sanctions regime would push the country into a corner.
Tighter sanctions are therefore needed to increase the economic price that the regime must pay for its nuclear program.
Yet China hopes to avoid precisely this outcome – which is a key reason why it has so far refused to escalate sanctions further.
Persuading China to impose potentially regime-destroying sanctions will also require economic pledges, with the entire international community – especially the US, Japan, and South Korea – committing to share the mammoth costs of sheltering refugees and rebuilding North Korea’s economy.
Iran, with its back to the wall as sanctions bite harder (especially the recent SWIFT and central bank restrictions, and Europe’s decision to stop importing Iranian oil), could react by increasing tensions in the Gulf.
Recent attacks on Israeli embassies around the world appear to signal Iran’s reaction to the covert war being waged against it, and to the tightened sanctions, which are aggravating the effects of the regime’s economic mismanagement.
So, if sanctions and negotiations don’t credibly work, the US (a country that doesn’t “bluff,” according to Obama) will have to act militarily against Iran.
But, at a time when a special counsel is investigating whether Trump’s campaign colluded with Russia’s election meddling, lifting any of the sanctions, even the most trivial ones, that Barack Obama introduced to punish Russia for its interference in the campaign might not be the most sensible idea.
But Trump’s evident belief in the chaos theory of government is, overall, probably not good for Russia, especially at a time when its economy, after three years of sanctions and low oil prices, is gasping for air.
The Kremlin’s annexation of Crimea and its support for violent separatists in eastern Ukraine prompted the United States and Europe to impose increasingly stringent economic sanctions against Russia.
But, though cheaper Russian energy imports should benefit Europe, the effectiveness of Western sanctions is not entirely good news.
As Russia’s Ambassador to the EU Vladimir Chizhov recently stated, ongoing sanctions need not prevent the EU and the EEU from maintaining official contact.
Heir to the historic Persian Empire, Iran has the region’s second-largest GDP and population (behind Saudi Arabia and Egypt, respectively), and Saudi Arabia worries that a possible agreement – resulting in sanctions being lifted – would allow Iran to revive its economy and extend its influence.
Any conceivable agreement with Iran would involve lifting economic sanctions, which would require legislative approval – thus making a proposed deal vulnerable to congressional near-sightedness.
When the time comes to lift the sanctions, Europe must coordinate closely with the US in order to maximize the move’s effectiveness.
Second, there can be no free riders, so trade sanctions – the only effective sanctions that the international community currently has – can and should be imposed on those not going along.
Questions will be raised about which sanctions are to be eased and when; about the terms of compliance inspections; and about what will happen once some of the limits on Iran’s nuclear activities expire.
What will be their preferred mix of unilateralism and multilateralism, and which tools – from diplomacy and sanctions to intelligence operations and military force – will they reach for most often?
The United Nations Security Council responded by debating a resolution on strengthening sanctions against North Korea.
Only China – no surprise – opposed new sanctions, stressing that “actions that heighten tension on the Korean Peninsula should not be taken.”
China has agreed to Security Council resolutions against Iran on several occasions, but it has backed sanctions against North Korea on only two, both coming after the North conducted nuclear tests (in 2006 and 2009).
China’s leaders oppose stiffer sanctions against North Korea for a simple reason: they fear the frailty of Kim Jong-un’s regime more than they fear the international security consequences of the missile launch.
Above all, China wants to prevent the regime’s collapse, which it fears may result from stricter sanctions.
So, in Kim’s perverse logic, a new push for UN sanctions, and new security-conscious governments in Japan and South Korea, will strengthen North Korea’s hold on Chinese foreign policy.
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