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Sanctions in sentence

2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence

Western sanctions, coupled with the sharp decline in the price of oil, will force the regime to fail on both counts.
An EU that is coming apart at the seams will not be able to maintain the sanctions it imposed on Russia following its incursion into Ukraine.
The Western world will rush to demand more sanctions and more isolation.
By subjecting trade relations to embargoes, sanctions, and tests of democracy, environmental standards, and human rights, the League is likely to retard the growth of trade, and thus the chance for poor non-democracies to catch up.
It continues to be a “standard setter” in a world with strong incentives to evade standards and negligible sanctions for doing so.
If, as I suspect, the Trump administration turns to tightened sanctions (including secondary boycotts) and dialogue, leaders in Seoul will be able to adjust accordingly.
Such an approach has been exemplified in local non-violent resistance movements, as well as the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement to pressure Israel at the international level.
But as crippling nuclear-related sanctions in recent years brought the Iranian economy to the verge of collapse, Iran’s conservatives were forced to negotiate in good faith with the international community.
Even without sanctions, the Iranian economy would have been under severe strain.
The fact that China and Russia joined the most recent round of sanctions had made the radicals’ position less tenable.
While the most effective sanctions had already been lifted, and are unlikely to be re-imposed, Iran’s conservatives have gained political points that they can use against their opponents at home.
The EU played a central role in reaching the recent nuclear agreement with Iran; brokered a previously unthinkable deal between Serbia and Kosovo (principally by dangling the carrot of EU membership before both countries); and has led the way in responding to Russian aggression in Ukraine with crippling economic sanctions.
Only in exchange for Iran’s permanent renunciation of enrichment will they provide major rewards – from lifting all sanctions and trade restrictions to security guarantees.
Indeed, when the UN Security Council formally demanded a stop to the enrichment program and imposed mild sanctions last December, Iran’s defiant answer was to increase enrichment activity.
The Bush administration, predictably, is pushing for new and tougher sanctions, based on an implied warning in the earlier UN Resolution, and arguing, as it did in the run-up to the invasion in Iraq, that the UN’s credibility is at stake.
If the Security Council fails to agree on new sanctions – which is likely, given Chinese and Russian objections – it would be exposed as a paper tiger.
Tougher economic sanctions will not force Iran to comply; instead, sanctions will merely hit this oil- and gas-rich country’s trading partners.
Instead of formulating new sanctions for the UN Security Council, they should use the next few months to explore confidentially what level of restrictions combined with verification Iran would consider in exchange for undisputed enrichment.
Although war is unlikely in the coming months, if sanctions on Iran don’t bear fruit by early 2011, Israel might feel the need to act.
For years, China has also blocked meaningful sanctions against Burma.
Libya withstood the sanctions in part by importing food and oil infrastructure supplies via Egypt, and by exporting petroleum and steel with Mubarak’s help.
Talks are still on track, but the North Koreans have expressed second thoughts, owing to statements from the Trump administration suggesting that the North would be expected to denuclearize in exchange for the mere promise of loosened sanctions.
He has decried his predecessors for being “played like a fiddle” when offering North Korea sanctions relief in the past.
As a result of sanctions, the regime desperately needed heavy fuel for heating purposes.
The counter-script for establishing or restoring pro-democratic conditions consists of more mass protest; the appearance and display of resistance symbols; the emergence of enough spokespeople throughout society that all of them cannot be arrested at once; overt civil and covert disobedience, at every level of society, that brings the economy to a halt; withdrawal of support by lawyers and judges for the regime’s decisions; international sanctions tied to human rights and clean elections; the refusal – tricky but not unattainable – of many soldiers and police to fire at unarmed citizens; and, finally, when the rule of law is reestablished, serious prosecutions of the defeated regime’s ringleaders.
In that case, the eurobond regime would have to carry sanctions from which there is no escape – something like a European finance ministry that has political as well as financial legitimacy which could emerge from the intense debate and soul-searching that is so badly needed (particularly in Germany).
Iran, whose influence in the Levant is not so much the cause of unresolved problems in the Middle East as the result of them, continues to defy the imposition of new sanctions by the United Nations Security Council.
Even a major power like Russia faces punishing sanctions for refusing to end its occupation of a foreign land.
Yet, by spurring the international community to impose crippling sanctions, Iran’s nuclear effort ended up undermining the country’s progress further, by impeding technological progress and military investment.
Where platform-level changes fail, broader government interventions, such as general sanctions, could be employed.
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