Sanctions
in sentence
2229 examples of Sanctions in a sentence
Only by strengthening UN
sanctions
to such an extent that North Korea is forced to abandon its missiles and nuclear weapons – and China to reconsider its knee-jerk support – can the regime be dissuaded from further, and more ominous, maneuvering.
But, given China’s continuing opposition to further sanctions, there is scant hope of this happening.
European leaders have been on the back foot since January, when Trump gave them a deadline of May 12th to “fix the terrible flaws of the Iran nuclear deal,” or he would re-impose
sanctions
on Iran.
Over the past few months, the German, French, and British governments have been frantically assembling a package of measures – including potential
sanctions
on Iranian elites – to address Trump’s concerns.
To Iran, European diplomats offered a choice between two futures: one in which Iran would freeze its nuclear program and end its international isolation; and one in which it would maintain its program and face ever-harsher sanctions, and possibly war.
As one official confided to me, the introduction of new
sanctions
will make it even harder to keep Iran committed to the JCPOA, let alone engage with it on other regional issues.
Among other things, a plan B would offer Iran economic relief if the US were to re-impose sanctions, conditional on Iran’s continued compliance with the JCPOA; and it would provide the basis for a larger strategy of engaging with Iran and other stakeholders to de-escalate regional conflicts.
He then asked whether I thought that Israel would consider the West’s
sanctions
against Iran a sufficient deterrent.
NEW YORK – China’s willingness to join negotiations on potential
sanctions
against Iran and to send President Hu Jintao to a nuclear security summit in Washington this month are important preliminary steps towards taking more responsibility in managing international affairs.
In addition to rolling out the welcome mat for energy-hungry China, oil ministry officials say they will tighten financial regulations and impose
sanctions
on companies seen as defaulting on tax and royalty payments – moves apparently aimed at local subsidiaries of Western oil companies in the Niger Delta.
The first casualty is bound to be the European Stability and Growth Pact, with its plethora of fiscal rules, monitoring procedures, and eventual
sanctions
for excessive deficits.
For large countries, the threat of
sanctions
has always been a paper tiger.
Absent sanctions, what will ensure that participants in the eurozone behave?
Prominent German scholars expressed the view that, absent credible sanctions, only the threat of forced exit could discipline wayward eurozone members.
So, what if
sanctions
don’t work and the threat of exit is a cluster bomb that would hurt everyone?
But, in a system without sanctions, fiscal responsibility can be enforced only if two conditions are met.
Russia’s economy is under severe strain as a result of the
sanctions
imposed by the West over Crimea.
But if the election is fraudulent and unjust, then the international community should consider imposing targeted
sanctions
against the DRC.
While Thein Sein would undoubtedly wish to see the myriad economic and political
sanctions
imposed on Burma quickly lifted, it is too soon for a general easing of such measures.
Even on Iran’s nuclear program, a successful policy course has been neutered by a divided Europe’s inability to back its diplomacy with hard-hitting
sanctions.
Russian penetration of the Chinese market was spurred by the imposition of Western
sanctions
after Russia invaded Ukraine and annexed Crimea in 2014.
But Iran – which, like Russia, had lost considerable market share as a result of Western
sanctions
– refused to cut production outright.
Whereas Brzezinski advocated threatening financial
sanctions
or a review of Russia’s World Trade Organization status should Putin take military action, Obama warned only that the June G-8 summit in Sochi might be canceled.
As a result, the principal policy toward Iran centers on the imposition of increasingly painful economic
sanctions.
The rationale underlying this policy is that Iran’s leaders, fearful of losing political control as popular discontent increases over the sanctions’ effects, will recalculate the costs and benefits of their nuclear activities and become receptive to negotiated constraints in exchange for removal of
sanctions.
International support for
sanctions
is considerable and increasing.
So one question is whether existing
sanctions
can be extended and tightened; here, China and Russia must determine their priorities.
Another question is whether any
sanctions
will be enough to persuade Iran’s leaders to accept verifiable limits on their nuclear program.
Brazil has barely uttered a word in reaction to the region’s tumult, while Russia and China have little taste for
sanctions
against Libya in light of their own autocratic governments.
The second objection is that the West would be best served by simply standing back and watching while
sanctions
and plunging oil prices bring down Russia’s economy – and ultimately Putin himself.
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