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Repression in sentence

587 examples of Repression in a sentence

And Bahrain has responded to Iraqi criticism of its political repression by halting its national airline’s flights to Baghdad, Beirut, and Teheran, all perceived to be Shia demons.
In some cases, stabilization has been accompanied by ruthless political repression.
He lamented that the Hungarian communists “had killed virtually no counterrevolutionaries: that’s why there was a Hungarian incident”; and he fully supported the Soviets’ brutal repression of the uprising.
With the help of a police force that he himself describes as a “million-man mafia,” Sisi has made repression the paramount organizing principle of his regime.
For the Arab regimes, neither the promise of subsidies nor the threat of repression can squeeze the political genie back into its bottle.
Indeed, Thailand, whose online repression has increased under the junta, now blocks more than 100,000 websites from its citizens.
Will the Chinese authorities respond to them with ever greater repression, as they have with dissidents and Falun Gong, creating discord and disruption, or will they accommodate new popular demands by moving to greater democracy?
Of course, repression continues to intimidate many Algerians.
Yet the repression and violence have only intensified since Mbeki received his mandate from his neighboring heads of state.
As for the people living in formerly Communist countries, they might have aspired to an open society when they suffered from repression, but now that the Communist system has collapsed, they are preoccupied with problems of survival.
At first the Europeans, and their American allies in NATO, believed or hoped that they could, by negotiation, persuade President Milosevic to back down from his policy of repression and massacre in Kosovo.
The option of such a compromise seems by now to have been ruled out by the savagery of Milosevic's repression of the ethnic Albanians.
As has been widely reported in the media, Venezuela is experiencing one of the most calamitous economic collapses ever, accompanied by massive doses of political repression and human-rights violations.
Likewise, the leaders must either accept much of the information revolution’s swamping of controls or engage in far more costly repression.
But the real problem is that the global economy is badly overleveraged, and there is no quick escape without a scheme to transfer wealth from creditors to debtors, either through defaults, financial repression, or inflation.
Is it fair to expect Egyptians to continue paying for their previous repression and impoverishment at the hands of Mubarak and his cronies?
Moreover, the situation was exacerbated by the incompetence of the region’s authoritarian regimes, which have been unable to provide their young people with any prospects beyond repression.
By contrast, the advice of Reinhart and Rogoff leans more toward financial repression, postponement of fiscal adjustment (trim entitlements in the future, but increase infrastructure spending today), or, in more far-gone cases like Greece, debt restructuring.
The global financial system reinforces this concentration, with negative real interest rates promoting financial repression on household savings.
What was supposed to be a coordinated effort to protect civilians from ruthless repression and advance a peaceful transition – the plan developed by former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan – has now degenerated into a proxy war between the United States and Russia.
All are outspoken paladins of human rights when it comes to condemning any Israeli defensive attack in Gaza as “genocide,” but are equally united in opposing Security Council action on Syria, even as the repression there grows ever more appalling.
In the most recent elections, Zimbabweans made their choice known, despite serious obstacles and widespread repression, with the MDC’s presidential candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai, gaining more votes than Mugabe.
For example, the veneration of Stalin, with whom Putin shares more than a few traits, has no doubt contributed to many Russians’ greater willingness to accept repression.
No one is suggesting that we go back to the “financial repression” of the 1950’s, but the latest crisis has left little doubt that the entire system for global financial regulation is in serious need of an update.
Anyone who has been watching Xi over the last two and a half years could discern his goal of consolidating Communist Party rule in China by strengthening his personal authority, reinvigorating domestic repression, and pursuing an assertive foreign policy.
In fact, Putin’s efforts to recapture Russia’s former territory have overshadowed his stifling of non-governmental organizations, repression of independent media, and silencing of opposition voices.
The new plan’s details reveal continued reliance on investment, including public housing, to support growth, rather than faster currency appreciation, substantial fiscal transfers to households, taxation and/or privatization of state-owned enterprises (SOEs), liberalization of the household registration (hukou) system, or an easing of financial repression.
Moreover, labor repression has caused wages to grow much more slowly than productivity.
All of these ministries represent low-cost, soft power: official institutions that can enhance pro-change forces’ capacity to mobilize, give them religious legitimacy, and remove the threat of judicial repression as they strengthen unofficial networks on the ground.
For example, in last week’s annual personnel changes at the interior ministry, many of those expected to be removed, owing to accusations of corruption, complicity in repression, or both, were not.
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