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Repression in sentence

587 examples of Repression in a sentence

Legitimacy and stability are inseparable in practice, because maintaining stability in the absence of legitimacy would ultimately require Tiananmen-style repression.
At home, Putin has focused over the past year on dealing with his opponents – co-opting some and intimidating others by turning the Russian legal and penal systems into blunt instruments of repression.
Governments have sometimes reacted with protective measures or macroeconomic initiatives, but in some cases with repression.
Solidarity, pushed underground when martial law was declared in December 1981, survived seven years of repression and then returned in 1989 on the wave of Gorbachov’s “perestroika.”
A more ideological and antagonistic approach - in the form of increased political and social repression - could stir Iran's discontented masses, reviving the non-violent but radicalized reformists.
As al-Saud political and economic control declines, and in the absence of democratic reforms, the regime’s policy seems certain to shift from patronage to repression.
A widely shared positive real ROE would mean less financial repression and a fairer income and wealth distribution.
The government accuses the opposition of advocating the secession of hydrocarbon-rich territories, threatening them with repression.
All of the remaining major areas of extreme poverty are associated with some form of discrimination, repression, or exclusion of the poor.
A wave of strikes in May and August of 1988 brought home to Poland's politburo that the strategy of repression they had pursued since the introduction of martial law in 1981 was a failure.
It seems repression does not work; either that or I'm very stubborn."
Creation of a Hydra-headed security apparatus, mass-murder of opponents (both real and imagined), widespread torture, and sustained censorship and repression are some of the common tactics used by Qaddafi, former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, former Tunisian President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, and other Arab autocrats.
What is happening today in the Arab world is history in the making, written in the blood, sweat, and tears of the victims of decades of violent repression.
Nikita Khrushchev’s post-Stalin “thaw,” when repression and censorship were relaxed, undermined the empire’s fundamental values, carelessly handing Crimea to Ukraine.
But such efforts cannot obscure the clash between these two histories, reflected perhaps most clearly in the divide between conservatives and liberals on condemning Stalinist repression.
Rather than being subjected to explicit price regulations and guidelines, these institutions operate in a “financial repression” regime in which key benchmark interest rates have been held at levels below what would otherwise prevail.
Political repression was common in Central America back then, and remains common in Cuba today.
The singular "people" that defines citizenship in a traditional nation-state could be forged only by plunging Europe into appalling repression and war lasting generations, if not centuries.
If repression were enough to secure compliance with the rules, democratic legitimacy would be unimportant.
As the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe demonstrates, repression alone is a poor guarantee of stability.
Instead of the state being strengthened, it is being reborn as a police-bureaucratic apparatus to suppress social protest, extort bribes, and assure political repression.
The Inequality WildcardDAVOS – As the dramatic events in North Africa continue to unfold, many observers outside the Arab world smugly tell themselves that it is all about corruption and political repression.
Since the beginning of this year, repression of human rights activists, lawyers, and bloggers has been harsher than ever.
Why do such moderate actions, rooted in the Chinese moral tradition, provoke such dramatic repression?
That means one begins to avoid tough subjects, like the repression of Falun Gong and its followers.
In these countries, many of which are rich in oil and gas, citizens are staging protests against corruption and political repression.
Of course, when economic growth falters, as is now the case, the CCP can turn to ruthless repression and appeals to nationalism to fend off challenges to its hold on power.
The economic and moral costs of escalating repression would eventually lead to domestic turmoil that not even the world’s most powerful one-party state could conceal.
Foreign ministers from other Latin American countries are nowhere to be seen in Caracas – certainly not denouncing repression and demanding an end to the violence.
But it also reveals something else: a morally crooked logic that condemns governments and leaders to remain silent in the face of aggression, repression, and even death, because to say anything would be tantamount to “intervention” in another country’s internal affairs.
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