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Repayment in sentence

192 examples of Repayment in a sentence

Well, it turns out that the data shows a four percent increase in repayment among people who consistently communicate with a few close contacts.
And the data shows a six percent increase in repayment among customers who are consistent with where they spend most of their time.
In Jenipher's case, she communicated with 89 different individuals, which showed a nine percent increase in her repayment.
In exchange, The Nature Conservancy bring investors, public funders and international development organizations to the table to restructure a portion of the nation's debt, leading to lower interest rates and longer repayment periods.
A loan buy-down is a transaction in which a third party pays down part of a loan by softening its terms or reducing the principal outstanding, thereby releasing the borrowing country from all or some of its future repayment obligations.
Debt repayment is critical to a functioning financial system.
Governments that incurred debt in costly wars have been expected to set aside annual “sinking funds” for repayment.
Moreover, once a loan is securitized, the bank that issued it no longer has any incentive to ensure repayment by the borrower, which raises the risk of default and drives up interest rates.
Indebted farmers physically disabled the repayment machinery in many states, most famously in Shay’s Rebellion in Massachusetts.
James Madison, who would become the Constitution’s principal author, couldn’t borrow to buy land in frontier Virginia, because lenders lacked confidence that Virginia courts could enforce repayment.
The banks would be encouraged to “evergreen” their loans: to roll them over when repayment falls due.
If the disincentive is large enough, then a larger debt burden may cause the country’s repayment capacity to fall.
Like its partners, France has launched significant stimulus measures, with a plan announced by President Nicolas Sarkozy last December, as well as public investments and early repayment of government debt.
Indeed, by putting a floor on the price of sovereign debt and any accompanying inflation, central-bank intervention would reduce the real value of the debt and facilitate repayment.
Ironically, this is happening at a moment when the Fund should want to be lending: it is awash in liquidity and has almost no sources of income other than repayment of its loans.
The 1980’s solution saved the banks (and the bankers) from the debt crisis, but in the long run increased burden of repayment, and in this way decreased living standards in Latin America.
The discussion has so far followed easily predictable national patterns: Creditor countries do not object to deflation, because it increases the real value of their investment, whereas debtor countries’ repayment burdens would grow heavier.
The LTRO money that banks received on such easy terms, we must recall, took the form of three-year loans, which implies a wall of debt repayment in December 2014 and February 2015.
To be sure, this could weaken a debtor’s leverage – the promise of future repayment – in bringing creditors back to the negotiating table.
This repayment contributed to a slow improvement in its credit rating and its eventual return to international capital markets in 2014.
These investments did not create new resources to provide the means of repayment.
To win, Syriza must either mislead its voters about its options, or insist that it will renegotiate the repayment conditions imposed on Greece by the so-called Troika (the European Commission, the ECB, and the International Monetary Fund), all while pursuing unilateral action should renegotiation fail.
If many investors demand repayment, borrowers have a hard time meeting these demands, even if the long-term projects are sound.
Frightened lenders may then not only refuse to extend new loans, but also demand repayment of old ones.
Meaningful debt renegotiations are seldom swift: creditors want repayment, and debtors want a write-down.
Nonetheless, Europe needs to be much more generous in permanently writing down debt and, even more urgently, in reducing short-term repayment flows.
That plan was supposed to restore the island’s economic health while also providing money to creditors who were clamoring for repayment.
It is hard to make sense of such assumptions, and harder still to accept that they could provide a good basis for computing Puerto Rico’s actual repayment capacity.
Worse still, because derivatives and repo investors jump to the head of the repayment line in so many ways, they have less incentive to foster market discipline by closely monitoring their counterparties’ solvency and carefully rationing their exposure to any single counterparty.
The debtors’ prisons of the nineteenth century were a failure – inhumane and not exactly helping to ensure repayment.
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