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Repay in sentence

325 examples of Repay in a sentence

To recover and return to both internal and external balance, they must not only close the cost gap, but actually reverse it, thereby generating the trade surpluses needed to repay the foreign debt that they accumulated in the meantime.
Seen this way, a temporary increase in the debt-to-GDP ratio is unavoidable if a country wants to repay its debt and attain a sustainable foreign debt position.
Sirisena, in need of more time to repay old loans, as well as fresh credit, acquiesced to a series of Chinese demands, restarting suspended initiatives, like the $1.4 billion Colombo Port City, and awarding China new projects.
When the crisis erupted, companies and investors in the United States were lending their extra cash overnight to banks and other financial firms, which then had to repay the loans, plus interest, the following morning.
But cheap credit promotes bad investment and excessive debt, which borrowers often are unable to repay.
This diminished my ministry’s capacity to repay the International Monetary Fund, which was insisting on drastic pension cuts and on the removal of the last protections for Greek workers.
Russian companies have to repay or refinance about $300 billion of debt over the coming two years.
Second, because Rosneft must repay its external debt, it is likely to use its bailout cash to buy dollars, which can only result in further downward pressure on the ruble.
And, because China chooses its projects according to their long-term strategic value, they may yield short-term returns that are insufficient for countries to repay their debts.
In the meantime, Greece must implement the structural reforms needed to restore the country’s long-term growth prospects and thus to strengthen its capacity to repay its creditors without a large nominal debt reduction.
The ECB, in an affront comparable to British behavior during the 1845-52 Potato Famine, instructed the government to invoke “financial stability” to force Ireland’s weakest citizens to repay every euro the defunct private banks owed to German creditors.
Financial stability was obviously a smokescreen: taxpayers were forced to repay even the debts of a bank that had already been closed (and thus systemically irrelevant).
The US government is now trying to repay old debt by borrowing more; in 2010, average annual debt creation (including debt refinance) moved above $4 trillion, or almost one-quarter of GDP, compared to the pre-crisis average of 8.7% of GDP.
Worse, the ECB has made an ambiguous promise to share losses with private creditors if a distressed sovereign does not eventually repay its debts.
A financial transaction, by contrast, happens over time: the borrower gets the money today and promises to repay in a month, year, or decade.
By keeping bidding on BRI projects closed and opaque, China often massively inflates their value, leaving countries struggling to repay their debts.
Over time, it would repay its investors with funds collected through special IDA replenishment calls.
Ultimately, however, their average cost would not be lower, because, again, if official creditors are senior to private lenders, large-scale official financing – which is used mainly to repay maturing debt – would impede governments’ access to private credit markets.
Last November, Andhra Pradesh, one of India’s most populous states, cracked down heavily on private microfinance institutions (PMFIs), banning many of their activities and telling borrowers they did not need to repay their loans.
In addition, too many borrowers had taken multiple loans from different sources and were unable to repay them.
Aggressive agents were marketing the loans with no heed to borrowers’ capacity to repay.
A restructuring is ultimately in everybody’s interest; starving the economy of imports merely weakens Venezuela’s capacity to produce and repay.
The real estate bubble inflated and collapsed partly because millions of Americans borrowed more than they could afford to repay – and knew it.
The eurozone was founded on the “no bailout” principle: if member states could not repay their debts, lenders would bear the losses.
Instead of enforcing the no-bailout principle and establishing a precedent, debtor countries used official loans to repay private creditors.
The states are not regulated by the federal government; they are disciplined by the knowledge that no one will repay their debts for them.
If states borrow too much, the probability that they will be able to repay falls, and creditors demand higher interest rates in exchange.
For the microfinance industry, such systems represent an important opportunity, as they enable borrowers to apply for, receive, and repay loans on their mobile phones, using a network of local agents to deposit and withdraw cash.
Debt, by contrast, is a contractual commitment to repay creditors who are largely oblivious to how the money is spent.
Little wonder, then, that Argentina's current crisis is so harsh: the portion of its economy that can generate the export revenues necessary to repay foreign debt is too small.
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