Religious
in sentence
2625 examples of Religious in a sentence
Materialism and consumerism cannot be a substitute for political and
religious
freedoms, which remain severely constrained.
This argues not simply for keeping nationalism in check, but for allowing greater political and
religious
freedom so that there are alternative sources of legitimacy and allegiance in Chinese society beyond that of economic advancement.
It is a platform for political and
religious
opposition groups in the Arab countries.
Liberals who welcome it as a beacon of freedom and progress in the Arab world confront those who accuse it of Islamism and
religious
radicalization.
Islamic EvangelismMany believe that
religious
revival and political radicalism among Muslims who reside in the West reflects the traditions and conflicts of the Middle East or the wider Muslim world.
But Islamic Salafism (fundamentalist
religious
radicalism) is above all a consequence of the globalization and Westernization of Islam, and of the decoupling of culture and religion more generally.
All forms of
religious
fundamentalism rely on the notion of a "pure" religion independent of cultural variations and influences.
Ulemas
(religious
scholars) are useless for believers who must search for purely
religious
criteria that are no longer linked to a given culture.
The real issue is not a theoretical question about Islam, but concerns the
religious
practices of Muslims.
Of course,
religious
fundamentalists of whatever stripe often emphasize similar codes, norms, and values.
But on this subject and others - say, family and abortion -
religious
Muslims in Europe side with conservative Christians.
A disciple of the philosopher Karl Popper, Soros has promoted open societies as the ultimate guarantee of freedom from tyranny and
religious
or ideological indoctrination, and as a powerful weapon against rising social inequality.
We recognize that child marriage is a deeply embedded tradition in many societies – all too often sanctioned by
religious
leaders.
We actively seek wider engagement with
religious
leaders on this issue.
The fact that
religious
leaders condone and sanction it in many societies owes more to custom and tradition than doctrine.
Syria needs to manage its diverse ethnic and
religious
composition, and to decide its own position on the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Syria is particularly vulnerable in this regard, as extremists incite violence against minority
religious
groups by using, for example, television stations in Saudi Arabia and Egypt.
The incitement against Syrian
religious
minorities promulgated by extremist TV stations, and by people like the Chief Justice of Saudi Arabia's Supreme Judicial Council, coupled with equally damaging behavior by Iran, if left unchecked, could result in an even worse bloodbath, with Syria's people drawn into a war of all against all.
In particular, the US, which has significant influence in Saudi Arabia, must act to stop attacks by that country's extremists on Syria's
religious
minorities - attacks motivated merely by a desire to provoke sectarian conflict.
While he promoted parliamentary rule in England, ended the civil war, and allowed a degree of
religious
toleration, he also supported the trial and execution of Charles I and brutally conquered Ireland in response to a perceived threat from an alliance of Irish Catholics and English Royalists.
The New Thirty Years’ WarNEW YORK – It is a region wracked by
religious
struggle between competing traditions of the faith.
In seventeenth-century Europe, a local
religious
uprising by Bohemian Protestants against the Catholic Habsburg Emperor Ferdinand II triggered that era’s conflagration.
Fueled by
religious
rhetoric and a bloody history, the conflict engenders a degree of passion and irrationality that is difficult to moderate.
The same is true of
religious
conflicts throughout the Middle East.
The world's largest democracy will soon be in action for the second time in two years in a desperate search to find a stable government, an extraordinarily difficult task now that the founding party of India's independence, Congress, is a pale shadow of its original self and the strengths of local, regional,
religious
and caste parties, not to say the phenomenal rise of the Hindu nationalist, Bharatiya Janata Party, are now the deciding factors in Indian politics.
Any kind of cultural, religious, or racial determinism is dangerous: unemployment and marginalization reflect socioeconomic processes, and we need clear social and economic policies to resolve them.
Cultural, racial, and
religious
dimensions may, of course, be subordinate factors that need to be considered, but they are not the main causes of unemployment and marginalization.
Indeed, contrary to what has become conventional wisdom (sadly, normalizing what far-right parties have been saying), young European Muslims do not have a problem with
religious
or cultural “integration.”
If America can move from a culture of fear to one of hope – and again incarnate hope for the world – it will require a leader who embodies the American dream: modern and armed with a humanistic
religious
message, in contrast to the anxious irrationalism of the Christian conservative movement that fueled Bush’s political base.
I suspect that, above all, mainstream politicians fear
religious
institutions that oppose voluntary euthanasia, even though individual believers often do not follow their
religious
leaders’ views.
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