Religious
in sentence
2625 examples of Religious in a sentence
Someone who holds a Judeo-Christian-Islamic view of human nature is naturally going to worship God and follow the guidance of
religious
commandments.
But regardless of one’s
religious
or philosophical leanings, reflecting on who we are – biologically and otherwise – is a good way to take more ownership of our actions.
Although a strong sense of modern nationalism exists in both, ancient ethnic and
religious
communities play a critical role in shaping political identities and public life.
In fact, one of the likely consequences of Adityanath’s promotion – and the negative signal it sends to India’s largest
religious
minority – is that economic development will suffer.
To be sure, it is understandable that academics might question Daoud’s approach; his argument was based on a strain of “essentialism,” in which individual actions are reduced to cultural and
religious
forces, with no attention to the social, political, and economic conditions that might be at work.
The Middle East is in the early phases of a modern-day Thirty Years’ War, in which political and
religious
loyalties are destined to fuel prolonged and sometimes savage conflicts within and across national borders.
Israel’s political, cultural, and
religious
connections with the US are strong, and America is the country’s only reliable and constant ally.
How did the concerns of a minor theologian in Saxony lead to widespread
religious
and political upheaval?
The printing press greatly expanded the accessibility of the
religious
controversy that Luther helped fuel, galvanizing the revolt against the Church.
Instead of a series of public discussions about the Church’s evolving authority, the Protestant Reformation became a bitter battle played out via mass communication, splitting not just a
religious
institution but also an entire region.
Worse, it became a means to justify centuries of atrocities, and triggered the Thirty Years’ War, the deadliest
religious
conflict in European history.
After all, the party has made opposition to admitting refugees the centerpiece of its platform, which also includes antagonism toward the European Union and a very conservative social program, to which an openly sectarian
religious
component was added at a May 3 party convention in Stuttgart.
Anti-Muslim elements of that reaction would become fodder for
religious
extremists in the Middle East, by seeming to confirm their narrative of inevitable
religious
and civilizational conflict.
Those laws must protect private
religious
and cultural space for all, without allowing that space to be used as an excuse for infringing on the basic human and democratic rights of every individual.
It would show that, with a strong economy, active civil society, and the rule of secular law,
religious
differences, cultural tensions, and labor-market challenges can be overcome.
The Ministry of External Affairs first attempted to assuage China, stating that “no additional color should be ascribed to the Dalai Lama’s
religious
and spiritual activities.”
In democracies, such public events involving popular
religious
figures are common, and politicians often enjoy the attention they attract by attending them.
Today’s generation of central bankers is almost
religious
in its commitment to inflation targeting – even in today’s inflationless world.
The Kurdish and Arab Shia
religious
parties sought a very weak central government in Baghdad, the latter because they feared a return to Sunni minority rule.
The easiest way to compound the tragedy in Paris would be to use the deaths of Charlie Hebdo’s editor, Stéphane Charbonnier, and 11 others to fan the flames of
religious
hatred.
And the revival of
religious
parties – in a country created by avowed secularists – opened the way for a more politically powerful but also more nationalistic and intolerant setting.
Some of it is committed by non-state actors, and some of it by state actors; but all of it is committed in the context of division and conflict defined by differences of
religious
faith.
This is an obscene perversion of proper
religious
faith.
They gain the dialogue skills required to prevent conflict by breaking down
religious
and cultural stereotypes.
There is a real danger that
religious
conflict replaces the ideologically based struggles of the last century in an equally devastating form.
While that might seem like a low bar, the lack of violence is noteworthy in a country split along religious, ethnic, and linguistic lines.
As a new dawn breaks on Malaysia’s political landscape, the country must seize this opportunity to establish a viable model for multiparty competition, where politicians can lead on national issues rather than pander to religious, ethnic, or regional constituencies.
At the same time, economic modernization brought social mobility to the conservatives, which led to the emergence of a new bourgeoisie that clung to its traditional
religious
values and viewed the Kemalist elite – ensconced in the army, the bureaucracy, the judiciary, and the universities – as oppressors.
In Qatar, there is no
religious
police enforcing morality, even if Qatari clerics openly raise funds for militant causes overseas.
It is in this context that the abortive Palestinian “Mecca Agreement” between the
religious
(Hamas) and the secular (Fatah) to form a national-unity government for Palestine might have established a new paradigm for the future of regime change in the Arab world.
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