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Protesters in sentence

650 examples of Protesters in a sentence

One of the Syrian government’s first moves after it began shooting protesters, for example, was to expel all foreign journalists.
The Chinese government barred all foreign journalists from Tibet when it cracked down hard on protesters before the 2008 Olympics.
Anti-Trump demonstrations in big cities will no doubt annoy the self-loving new president, and the moral glow of joining the resistance will warm the protesters.
When demonstrations against sexual violence erupted in Delhi, the Indian president’s son denounced the protesters as “dented and painted.”
But this alone does not account for the kind of alienation from the game expressed by the Brazilian protesters.
And, whereas Egyptian protesters of all types found common ground in insisting that President Hosni Mubarak resign, Bahrainis will find it almost impossible to agree on a rallying cry.
Drawn from Jordan, Pakistan, and Yemen, they are not reluctant to beat and kill protesters, for they know that any change at the top would mean defeat not only for the al-Khalifas, but for themselves as well.
Given this alignment of forces, and the bloodshed that has already occurred in Manama’s Pearl Square, the scenes from Cairo of protesters arm-in-arm with soldiers and hugging tank crews are unlikely to be replayed here.
But, with Bahrain’s social fault lines too wide to bridge, the regime willing to resort to brutal violence to crush any uprising, and the international community prepared to look the other way, the protesters in Manama should be prepared for defeat.
Moreover, the protesters are essentially leaderless and lack clear objectives.
But this would hardly count as success for the protesters.
It should not have come as a surprise when protesters shouted, “Let go of Syria; think about us.”
In Paris, a tired and awkward university rector asks the police to clear protesters from the Sorbonne.
The United States, Egypt’s main ally, while stopping short of siding with the protesters, is holding the regime to Mubarak’s promise of a “better democracy,” and demanding swift action to meet the people’s legitimate demands.
The CCP might try to eliminate all mention of what happened at Tiananmen Square for fear of triggering renewed calls for human rights and democracy; but, though this anniversary will pass without official acknowledgment, the protesters’ demands have not gone away, and they cannot be suppressed forever.
The Green ParadoxThe protesters have returned to their home countries, the injured are licking their wounds, the heads of state are back to business as usual, and Heiligendamm, the old spa on Germany’s Baltic coast, is resuming its dream of imperial beauty.
The current process is more like what happened in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989 and the USSR in 1991, with protesters’ enthusiasm giving way to disappointment as individual members of the old regime retained economic and quasi-political power.
In May, I went to the site of the Tunisian protests; in July, I talked to Spain’s indignados; from there, I went to meet the young Egyptian revolutionaries in Cairo’s Tahrir Square; and, a few weeks ago, I talked with Occupy Wall Street protesters in New York.
Spain’s protesters, and those in other countries, are right to be indignant: here is a system in which the bankers got bailed out, while those whom they preyed upon have been left to fend for themselves.
But, while the wealthy can use their money to amplify their views, back on the street, police wouldn’t allow me to address the OWS protesters through a megaphone.
But the protesters are ingenious: they echoed what I said through the crowd, so that all could hear.
The protesters have been criticized for not having an agenda.
When the press looked into the protesters’ allegations, they found that there was more than a grain of truth in them.
The trade negotiations that followed were different – at least in principle, they were supposed to be a development round, to make up for some of the deficiencies highlighted by protesters – and the International Monetary Fund subsequently undertook significant reforms.
So, too, in the US, the civil-rights protesters of the 1960’s called attention to pervasive institutionalized racism in American society.
On one level, today’s protesters are asking for little: a chance to use their skills, the right to decent work at decent pay, a fairer economy and society.
Facebook and Twitter, for example, played a pivotal role in galvanizing protesters during the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011.
By demanding severe punishment for those guilty of war crimes – not the Pakistani Army, long gone, but their local collaborators in groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, Al Badar, Al Shams, and the Razakar irregulars – the protesters are also implicitly describing the society in which they wish to live: secular, pluralist, and democratic.
The male, bearded, skull-cap-wearing protesters shouted in unison their agreement with speakers who denounced the International Crimes Tribunal.
The Shahbag protesters reject Islamic extremists’ influence in Bangladesh, and even call for organizations like Jamaat-e-Islami to be banned, while Hifazat-e-Islam and its supporters want the country’s liberal forces repressed, secularist bloggers arrested, and strict Islamism imposed on Bangladeshi society.
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