Example collocations logo

Protesters in sentence

650 examples of Protesters in a sentence

And, for some of the protesters, it may not even be true.
Even after the detention of thousands of anti-corruption protesters in more than 100 cities across Russia in March, the Trump administration issued only a tepid statement.
He changed a 30-year relationship with Egypt in a week; helped to convince the Egyptian military not to fire on citizens in the first stage of the revolution; assembled and enabled a successful coalition to intervene in Libya; worked closely with Turkey, the European Union, and Saudi Arabia to increase pressure on Syria; cooperated with Egypt to broker a settlement in Yemen; and worked behind the scenes to convince Bahrain’s government to investigate its own violence against Shia protesters.
More importantly, protesters are demanding that the government resign –unthinkable just a year ago.
Opposition groups and protesters are boycotting the constituent assembly election, but the consolidation of presidential power that Maduro is seeking will not be the only issue on their minds.
Protesters are also calling on the government to release political prisoners, uphold the current constitution, and establish a government of national unity to restore economic and political stability.
High food prices may have served as a trigger in North Africa, but the speed with which the protesters turned their attention to political reform caught everyone off guard.
No one wants to see the streets of Damascus consumed in protest, or a violent confrontation erupt between protesters and security forces.
The anger of Tea Party Republicans (like the anger of Occupy Wall Street protesters) reflects a sense that nothing but dramatic, even revolutionary, measures can change the system.
The question for Egypt is whether the agenda of a truly pluralistic democracy – proclaimed by the avant-garde young protesters at Tahrir Square, the admirably self-empowered Facebook and Twitter generation – can prevail against the resilient forces of the past.
The risk is that the fraternal ties between the army – not exactly innocent of the Mubarak regime’s repressive practices – and the protesters might prove short-lived.
So far, the army has acceded to only one of the protesters’ central demands – getting rid of Mubarak.
Arguably, the military concurred with the protesters’ demand for Mubarak’s removal as the best way to circumvent a move towards a dynastic republic under Mubarak’s son, Gamal.
A Western-leaning army, funded and trained by the United States, it cannot allow itself the liberty of shooting peaceful protesters.
More than 3,000 protesters face criminal charges, simply for exercising their democratic rights.
Emboldened by what it perceived as a victory, the Venezuelan regime has ramped up its violence against protesters and organized a bogus coup against itself.
The initial success of revolutions is determined less by the strength of the protesters than by the will and cohesion of the regime.
It is never possible to satisfy the demands of all protesters, and regimes should not try.
A former member of Iran’s parliament, Javad Ettaat, argues that the “government is contravening the principles of Islam by using an iron fist against protesters.”
The current regime in Syria, in its ruthless quest to remain in power, refuses to acknowledge peaceful protesters' demands for freedom and dignity.
When protests erupted, the government, in a fit of blind idiocy, set the police upon peaceful protesters, men and women, with long batons, water cannon, and tear gas.
As political scientist Kevin O’Brien has argued, China’s increased readiness to compromise with some domestic protesters, rather than treat all forms of collective action as subversive, can be seen as reflecting a growing sense of security.
In response, millions of protesters poured into the streets of Moscow and towns across the Soviet Union.
What accounts for the armies of protesters – distinguished, gang-like, by the color of their shirts – whose mutual antipathy often borders on nihilistic rage?
And though thousands – perhaps tens of thousands – of protesters have gathered in front of the Supreme Court in recent weeks, some eight million people voted for the PiS in the 2015 election.
The violence outside the Medina mosque has led to unprecedented demonstrations in front of Saudi embassies in London, Berlin, and The Hague, with protesters demanding independence from the Saudi state.
Indeed, perhaps Ukraine’s Orange Revolution, with those thousands of protesters in Kiev’s Independence Square served as a potent reminder to China’s leaders of the Tiananmen Square protests 15 years ago, and – in contrast to Ukraine – their own strategy of brutal repression.
A substantive and successful dialogue with the government would not require the protesters to call off their campaign for democracy; it would simply end the current phase of a campaign that eventually will succeed.
This would not be all that the Umbrella Movement has demanded, but it should encourage the protesters to reach a compromise without departing from their longer-term goal.
Twenty-five years after the military rescued the Party by crushing pro-democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square, Xi’s potential strategy for doing so – a purge of high-level military figures – may incite a major internal fight.
BackNext