Powers
in sentence
2831 examples of Powers in a sentence
Equally worrisome is the recent drift of former imperial
powers
Russia and Turkey.
To be sure, a hot war between the two nuclear-armed
powers
would remain unlikely.
Indeed, growing cynicism in this regard is a dangerous trend,because this is the one issue that still appeals to the people of the Middle East and can help immensely in the Western powers’ battle to win hearts and minds in our region.
At first glance, this vision seems entirely reasonable; after all, most countries prefer to manage domestic and regional affairs without the meddling of outside
powers.
Only if external
powers
think beyond military operations and devise a political solution to the crisis can the fight against the Islamic State succeed.
Of course, implementing such a solution will not be easy – not least because of sharp divisions among relevant external
powers.
For those who seek a democratic and liberal Russia, the quandary is awful, because to delegitimize Putin only risks bringing darker and more archaic
powers
to the surface.
In stark contrast to the “real world,” the two leading powers, the United States and China, played no role in the tournament.
If a country’s political system is not amenable to such a transformation, foreign
powers
may even seek to democratize it by force.
European powers, convinced that it was up to them to “civilize” and modernize Muslim countries, ignored the views of the colonized.
(Not that this will much help his evident willingness to be drafted as the next UN Secretary-General: in that role the major
powers
have always preferred bland secretaries to creative generals.)
Amid all the attention being devoted to China and the potential for competition or even conflict with the US, it should not be forgotten that Russia’s future hangs in the balance, for history suggests that declining
powers
can pose as great a challenge to world order as rising ones.
In particular, the new constitution strengthens the
powers
of the prime minister and enables him to call early elections in the event of a government crisis.
For Lenin, this order comprised the Western
powers
that had brought Russia into World War I against Germany – and against its own interests.
Voters who supported Brexit may yet echo what Marx said of Louis Napoleon’s counter-revolution: “A whole people, that imagines it has imparted to itself accelerated
powers
of motion through a revolution, suddenly finds itself transferred back to a dead epoch.”
Acting at the behest of the member states, the ECB has sufficient
powers
of persuasion: it could close its discount window to the banks, and the governments could seize institutions that refuse to cooperate.
German and French pressure has led to calls for beefed-up regulatory
powers
to rein in powerful, usually American platforms, such as Google and Facebook.
In January 2015, President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi issued a decree that permits the government to ban any foreign publications it deems offensive to religion, thereby expanding the government’s already significant censorship
powers
and increasing pressure on journalists further.
A 2005 report by Patrick Mazimhaka, a former AU deputy chairman, provides some leeway for this, as Mazimhaka pointed out that the union in 1960 between Somaliland and Somalia, following the withdrawal of the colonial
powers
(Britain and Italy), was never formally ratified.
Given the interests of all the world’s great
powers
in stabilizing the Horn of Africa, there does seem to be movement toward accepting Somaliland’s claims.
One, between Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and rebel groups like the Free Syrian Army, can be resolved only through a diplomatic solution – precisely the kind of solution that the peace talks in Vienna, involving a wide range of world
powers
and regional actors, are aiming to reach.
The existing world powers, however, will not cede their influence so easily.
The challenge for advocates of world order is to accommodate emerging
powers
within a framework of universal, predictable rules and global structures that ensure everyone a fair deal, appropriate for their size, capabilities, and contributions to the international system.
Democratic powers, from the United States to India, are calling upon the United Nations to intervene in the crisis, while China, seeking to advance its own interests in the Indian Ocean, is defending the graft-tainted Yameen.
India’s best option is to hold out a credible threat of military action, while imposing, together with other democratic powers, economic sanctions that undercut support for Yameen among the Maldivian elite, many of whom own the luxury resorts that now have far too many empty rooms.
Israel’s immediate neighbors and other regional
powers
should make settling the status of Jerusalem a priority, before security in the city deteriorates further.
More important, although the AKP may be more willing than other Turkish parties to accommodate Kurdish concerns, it is unlikely to accept demands for devolution of
powers
to regional governments or any other decentralization program that strengthens the territorial autonomy of Kurdish areas.
And his counterpart at the European Parliament, Klaus Welle, has shown no sign that he will relinquish his position or soften his ambition to win still greater
powers
for the parliament.
But if foreign
powers
wish to engage constructively, they must understand a country’s internal politics and demographics, and address all affected groups’ security concerns equally and fairly.
Hostile
powers
have turned our open Internet into a cesspool of disinformation, much of which is spread by automated bots that the major platforms could purge without undermining open debate – that is, if they had the will to do so.
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