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Powers in sentence

2831 examples of Powers in a sentence

When fighters failed to defeat loyalist forces on their own, outside powers were compelled to intervene.
But Abdel-Jalil named no specific foreign powers and offered no proof to support his allegations, which sounded much like Qaddafi’s frequent rants against “imperialist-Zionist plots.”
Major regional powers like Egypt, Turkey, and Qatar now support an emboldened Hamas, whose paramount objectives are now to consolidate its increased international legitimacy and sideline the West Bank-based Palestinian Authority (PA).
If the West’s response to the crisis in Ukraine has been weak and misguided, the reaction of the world’s rising powers has been one of willful blindness.
When the foundations of the global order are threatened, great powers must not adopt a policy of inaction and silence.
For their part, emerging powers like India, Brazil, South Africa, and Turkey must, at the very least, loudly and categorically defend the fundamental rules of the international system that has enabled them to grow and prosper.
For Europe, the only way forward is to assert its powers of containment, while also accelerating European integration.
In this, the conservatives have it right: Let’s reduce the power of the federal government and turn more revenues and regulations back to the states, subject to the constitutional limits on the division of powers and fundamental rights.
Turkey’s TestPRINCETON – As the world watches the obliteration of the Syrian city of Homs and the crisis spills into neighboring Lebanon, it is time to ask what separates great powers from small powers.
But the victorious Allied powers later abandoned this promise, and the Kurdish people have lived under constant oppression ever since.
The recent emergence of additional powers – the European Union, China, India, and a Russia driven to recover its lost status – has eroded America’s capacity to shape events unilaterally.
Iraq has now become God’s playground, and America can hope to achieve a modicum of stability there only with the help of other regional powers.
The United States and Europe's mature democracies may function well enough with the "checks and balances" of divided government (though the Republicans' bid to impeach President Clinton a few years ago might suggest otherwise), but in Asia the failure to bestow executive and legislative powers on a single institution is usually a terrible drawback.
Instead, Asia remains deeply scarred by unsettled disputes, periodic fits of nationalism, and contested borders, all of which tend to be amplified by apprehension stemming from the asymmetric rise of some of its powers.
Though country-to-country engagement with Asia’s rising powers may be tempting, and while China often prefers bilateral dealings, renationalization of EU members’ foreign policies would be counterproductive.
With existing international arrangements remaining virtually static since the mid-twentieth century (even as non-Western economic powers and nontraditional challenges have emerged), the world needs more than the halfhearted and desultory steps taken thus far.
While Morsi has now bowed to pressure to annul a decree granting him powers without judicial oversight, it seems only yesterday that people were prepared to put their fears aside and trust that Morsi was ready to rule in the interests of all Egyptians.
The European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) was born from the following apparently contradictory argument: that the discretionary powers which governments enjoy over exchange rates and financial markets are often inversely related to their ability to provide stability in those very same markets.
This situation is an injustice of vast proportions, reminiscent of – and arguably much worse than – the now-repudiated colonialism of the Western powers in the nineteenth century.
Only 24 countries, mostly tiny island states, maintain diplomatic relations, while all but one of the world’s major powers and all important international institutions, including the United Nations, dance to the mainland’s tune on the issue.
The Age of Blowback TerrorNEW DELHI – World powers have often been known to intervene, overtly and covertly, to overthrow other countries’ governments, install pliant regimes, and then prop up those regimes, even with military action.
But, more often than not, what seems like a good idea in the short term often brings about disastrous unintended consequences, with intervention causing countries to dissolve into conflict, and intervening powers emerging as targets of violence.
Of course, regional powers, too, have had plenty to do with perpetuating the cycle of chaos and conflict in the Middle East.
Western powers, which viewed Wahhabism as an antidote to communism and the 1979 Shia “revolution” in Iran, tacitly encouraged it.
In general, Western powers should resist the temptation to intervene at all.
Some suggest that the US constitution provided fewer constraints on the president in the conduct of foreign policy, because the requisite checks and balances were to be provided by the powers of the time - Britain and France.
Revisionist powers like Russia, China, and Iran appear ready to confront the global economic and political order that the US and the West built after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
But now one of these revisionists powers – Russia – is pushing ahead aggressively to recreate a near-empire and a sphere of influence.
And Congress is not about to pass an Enabling Act conferring dictatorial powers on the president, as the Reichstag did for Hitler in March 1933.
They understood that they were embedded in a web of obligations, powers, responsibilities, and privileges that was as large as France itself.
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