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Powers in sentence

2831 examples of Powers in a sentence

The reasons were always the same: politico-religious fanaticism and the blunder of challenging the prevailing world powers – hence modern Zionism’s obsessive quest for a binding alliance with a superpower.
(On both sides this spat was rather paradoxical, if one remembers that de Gaulle wanted to diminish as much as possible the powers of the UN, to which he contemptuously referred to as a "thingamajig", and that America owes over a billion dollars in past due contributions to the UN.)
In fact, these episodes epitomize both powers’ unilateralist approach to international law.
Yet there is a long history of major powers flouting international law while using it against other states.
Despite a widely held belief that the current international system is based on rules, the fact is that major powers are rule makers and rule imposers, not rule takers.
But as China’s society progressively emancipated itself from direct state control – with the notable exception of sectors viewed by the CPC as crucial to maintaining its monopoly on power – citizens increasingly appealed to the law for protection against arbitrary administrative interference and to limit the bureaucracy’s discretionary powers.
Eleven former CIA directors and deputy directors, as well as 70 former senior CIA officers (including me), said as much last week, criticizing the unprecedented revocation as political coercion and accusing Trump of misusing presidential powers, damaging national security, and threatening current and former officials’ right of free speech.
But his willingness to use his presidential powers as a blatantly partisan political weapon breaks ground that no American should want him to tread.
Today, former colonial powers have evolved significantly, just as have their former colonies.
The Western Roots of Anti-Western TerrorBERLIN – The Islamic State’s horrific attacks in Paris provide a stark reminder that Western powers cannot contain – let alone insulate themselves from – the unintended consequences of their interventions in the Middle East.
The United States-led interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq since 2001 represent only the most recent effort by Western powers to shape the region’s geopolitics.
But these powers have always preferred intervention by proxy, and it is this strategy – training, funding, and arming jihadists who are deemed “moderate” to fight against the “radicals” – that is backfiring today.
Despite repeated proof to the contrary, Western powers have remained wedded to an approach that endangers their own internal security.
And yet, disregarding this lesson, Western powers intervened in Libya to topple Qaddafi, effectively creating a jihadist citadel at Europe’s southern doorstep, while opening the way for arms and militants to flow to other countries.
Though Russia is pursuing its military campaign independently of the Western powers (reflecting its support for Assad), it, too, has apparently become a target, with US and European officials increasingly convinced that the Islamic State was behind October’s crash of a Russian airliner in the Sinai Peninsula.
It is not too late for Western powers to consider the lessons of past mistakes and recalibrate their counterterrorism policies accordingly.
The separation of powers (an independent judiciary and central bank) was undermined in favor of a “strong” state.
This is most notable among big member states like Britain, France, and Spain, and one can see why; these are former "great powers," which fear being submerged in a mega-Europe.
Fischer appears to prefer to rely on the resolution powers of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, which is empowered to takeover failing financial institutions, with the expectation that it will impose losses on creditors in such a way that will not cause global panic.
Unfortunately, as currently constructed, these resolution powers are unlikely to work.
The recent Dodd-Frank financial-reform legislation took away some of the Fed’s powers, and the legislative debate surrounding the bill indicated that there could be wide support for further restrictions if Congress becomes unhappy with Fed policy.
Harrison’s alternative was “direct pressure” – that is, using the Fed’s regulatory powers and moral suasion to persuade member banks to curtail their lending to the stock market.
They should use the resulting instruments and powers preemptively.
They include American strategic primacy; massive and rapid cross-border flows of people, technology, goods, services, ideas, germs, money, arms, e-mails, carbon dioxide, and just about anything else; and relatively peaceful relations among the major powers – the US, China, Japan, Russia, India, and an increasingly integrated and enlarged Europe.
It would thus be a fateful mistake for Western powers to abandon the ideas and institutions that delivered prosperity and stability in previous decades.
Above all, this crisis confirms the new hierarchy of powers that now exists in the world.
In Vienna, the European powers were among themselves.
In the original plan for the European Central Bank, the proposed institution would have had overall supervisory and regulatory powers.
The ECB was not given overall supervisory and regulatory powers.
That is understandable: the rise of new powers has always disrupted the established international order.
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