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Powers in sentence

2831 examples of Powers in a sentence

But now the West itself is rejecting the order that it created, often using the very same logic of sovereignty that the rising powers used.
In such a scenario, military interventions will continue, but not in the postmodern form aimed at upholding order (exemplified by Western powers’ opposition to genocide in Kosovo and Sierra Leone).
But if the Western powers can’t agree on what they want from that order, or what their responsibilities are to maintain it, they are unlikely even to try.
For example, officials recently declared that judicial independence and the separation of powers are “colonial” legacies that should be discarded, with China’s government and Hong Kong’s chief executive, not the local courts, calling all the shots.
The world’s three largest powers – the “big troika” – must come together to create the conditions for a peaceful transition to a new, more stable world order.
By the outbreak of World War I, Britain ranked only fourth among the great powers in terms of military personnel, fourth in terms of GDP, and third in military spending.
The fact that the UK was situated so close to powers like Germany and Russia made matters even more challenging.
Others define hegemony as the ability to set the rules of the international system; but precisely how much influence over this process a hegemon must have, relative to other powers, remains unclear.
In this sense, the US-led international order could outlive America’s primacy in power resources, though many others argue that the emergence of new powers portends this order’s demise.
And its effects on non-members – including significant powers like China, India, Indonesia, and the Soviet bloc – were not always benign.
The rise of transnational forces and non-state actors, not to mention emerging powers like China, suggests that there are big changes on the horizon.
When this happens, it is a racing certainty that the existing members will lose out, in several ways:They will have to share their political decision-making powers with the new members,they will have to share their economic advantages, and, in particular,they will face the prospect of a significant budgetary redistribution from the rich existing members to the (much poorer) new members.
There is nothing new or surprising about great powers making and breaking rules as it suits them.
These arrangements amount to a cabal of mutual complicity, whereby world powers designate economic spheres of influence through regional governance institutions.
But, perhaps most important, the world’s emerging powers no longer need the World Bank as much as they once did.
Vladimir Putin’s Soviet DreamMADRID – The recent nuclear deal concluded by six major world powers and Iran represented a triumph of multilateralism.
If those same powers – the five permanent UN Security Council members and Germany – showed the same will to work together to resolve other disputes, the world might enter a new era of cooperation and stability.
That is why, as hard as it may be for Western powers, some efforts to appease Russia are unavoidable.
Likewise, developments in the region’s two non-Arab powers suggest that neither is immune to instability.
Greater political cooperation would provide a context for discussing issues like the future of Afghanistan, international terrorism, and nuclear proliferation, as well as for creating joint initiatives and strategies that address crucial issues affecting both powers.
Both have been world powers; both have been models of liberal democracy; and both achieved democratization through revolution.
This bears little in common with the essence of democracy, which consists not merely in ballot boxes, but in the separation of powers.
The models for the balance of powers, the functioning of the judiciary, and local democracy must be inspired by European forms, which are closer to Georgian reality than Anglo-Saxon models of the American type.
G7 members lost a valuable opportunity to develop common positions on issues about which they could agree, and the rest of the world was shown more evidence that the global system’s long-standing core-periphery relations are no longer reliably buttressed by unity among established economic and financial powers.
Putin can surround ordinary Russians with the uninterrupted message that theirs is a modern economy on par with leading global powers.
Western powers need not undermine or destroy Putin’s Russia; they simply need to outlive it.
The world’s nine nuclear powers claim that there is little to worry about.
While other nuclear powers appear stable, countries like China and Russia, which rely increasingly on authoritarianism, could face their own risks, should political cohesion fray.
External powers can, for example, launch a targeted attack, like the one that Israel carried out on suspected reactors under construction in Iraq and Syria.
In 1919, Keynes produced a grand plan for comprehensive debt cancellation, plus a new bond issue, guaranteed by the Allied powers, whose proceeds would go to victors and vanquished alike.
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