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Populists in sentence

696 examples of Populists in a sentence

It accepts the populists’ claim that they authentically represent “the people.”
When politicians and journalists lazily concede that populists articulate people’s “real concerns,” they are betraying a deep misunderstanding of how democratic representation actually works.
The idea that the Dutch and the French elections heralded the arrival of a “post-populist moment” fails to appreciate the distinction between populism as a claim to a moral monopoly on representation and the policies – think of restrictions on immigration – typically promoted by populists as part of their exclusionary identity politics.
Populists may be winning, even though they are nominally losing, as conservatives simply copy their ideas.
Our own era is not remotely comparable to the interwar period, and today’s populists are not fascists.
Those who collaborate with populists – or copy their ideas – must be held accountable.
Another is that Latin American populists can also be fiscal hawks, as Evo Morales has shown in Bolivia.
As a result, when in power, populists tend to undertax, overspend, overborrow, and allow inflation to rise.
“We accuse populists of making promises they cannot keep, but we should turn that criticism back on ourselves,” he told us.
They lose votes to the populists and demagogues whose promises to shake up the system are more credible.
Yet most Europeans continue to underestimate Russian President Vladimir Putin’s cyber and propaganda war against the West – a war that aims to help bring to power far-right populists bent on the EU’s destruction.
Even out of power, populists can do serious damage.
Many Europeans have lost trust in an EU establishment that seems incompetent, self-serving, and out of touch – a perception reinforced by EU leaders’ chaotic response to the refugee crisis, which populists have been quick to exploit by linking the newcomers to terrorism.
But many others have embraced far-right populists, who pledge to fight for “the people” (their supporters) against the “liberal establishment” (their opponents), whom they accuse of selling out the national interest to the EU, immigrants, and foreigners in general.
In this context, simply condemning the populists will not be enough.
Otherwise, the populists will be back – and probably stronger than ever.
The problem is not Islam, as many populists claim (and as the burqa and burkini bans suggest).
Populists and Euroskeptics fed on the discontent of those who have felt neglected by EU institutions, and now believe that the benefits of the European project, such as freedom of movement, no longer outweigh the burdens, like immigration and austerity.
That level of familiarity may well be the greatest enemy of today’s anti-globalization populists.
But the populists’ narrative is not just inflammatory; it is false.
And yet, the battle between the “party of reason” and the “party of emotion” – progressives versus populists – is far from over.
But in 2017, there is renewed hope for the European project, owing to Emmanuel Macron’s election as president of France, and electoral defeats for populists in the Netherlands, Austria, and Germany, as well as Trump’s plunging popularity at home.
What people expect from populists is precisely their radicalism and readiness to do what they say.
Populists can get away with undermining the authority of democratic institutions; the authorities themselves cannot.
That is why populists must be defeated politically.
Populists Can be RightDoes the rise of left-leaning governments in Latin America, particularly the election of Evo Morales as President of Bolivia, presage a shift to the hard left across the continent?
For everyone from right-wing populists in the West to ISIS recruiters, the combination has proved to be a powerful one.
Reconfirming the connection between bad economics and political extremism – highlighted by John Maynard Keynes in the aftermath of World War I – a decade of austerity in Europe has weakened the foundations of the welfare state and driven millions of voters into the arms of populists.
Shekhovstov’s book is particularly interesting for its account of how Putin’s regime and Europe’s right-wing populists have made a common enemy of the global order headed by the United States and abetted by the EU.
At the center of the spider’s web imagined by the populists sits a creature called “finance capitalism.”
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