Populists
in sentence
696 examples of Populists in a sentence
Populists
effectively converted these memories into a political force that rejected efforts leading to globalization and an open society.
Beyond the Great Recession and the migration crisis, both of which created fertile ground for populist parties, the aging of the West’s population will continue to alter political power dynamics in populists’ favor.
Among today’s populists, only Marine Le Pen of France’s National Rally (formerly the National Front) – and possibly Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil – relies on younger voters.
Most likely, a growing sense of insecurity is pushing the elderly into the populists’ arms.
So, while right-wing
populists
have attracted older voters, left-wing populist have gained a following among younger generations.
By backing right-wing populists, older voters hope to return to a time when domestic affairs were insulated from global forces and national borders were less porous.
Similarly, in continental Europe, right-wing
populists
want to return to a time before the adoption of the euro and the Schengen system of passport-free travel within most of the EU.
As a result, older voters will demand more and more socioeconomic security, and irresponsible
populists
will be waiting in the wings to accommodate them.
In many ways, older voters’ infatuation with
populists
is a cry for help.
Leftist
populists
in Slovakia, represented by Robert Fico’s Smer (Direction) party, which is leading in opinion polls ahead of the next year’s elections, will most likely reach a similar conclusion.
To say otherwise is a strange claim for anyone to make, especially
populists.
Throughout most of US history, for example,
populists
have supported easy monetary policy as a way to help the little guy against distant bankers with hard hearts devoted to hard money.
Today, however, the script has switched – and not only fringe
populists
are working from it.
Whether it is conservatives like Sarkozy, Christian Democrats like Merkel, right-wing
populists
like Berlusconi, or socialists like Zapatero, political affiliation appears to make no difference.
At the very least, it would bring a sense of coherence to the actions of politicians, and those opposed to this search for a new European equilibrium – mostly Marxists and
populists
– would need to compete with a new vision of their own.
Populists
in both countries campaigned successfully on non-issues.
Populists
can easily project these problems onto “Europe,” which in this case merely represents fear of the outside world in general.
It is political candy for
populists
and poison for rational policymaking.
Although the current governing coalition, consisting of conservatives and populists, has been successful, the real reckoning for Hungary's right may still be yet to come.
Likewise, polls and elections signal the ascent of
populists
across Europe, while financial markets’ vulture-like behavior stems from the cynical calculation that the EU lacks the wherewithal to restore its credibility.
As Europe’s
populists
use such cases of “welfare tourism” to sow fear and anger among the European public, reaching an agreement to accommodate actual refugees becomes increasingly difficult.
Any steps they take to vent that frustration embolden right-wing
populists
and could lead to violence from both sides.
Pandering to
populists
may be attractive in terms of short-term electoral gains, but the long-term cost in terms of credibility, both their own and that of the EU, will be very high.
But while it already feels as if Italy’s
populists
have been around forever, it is worth remembering that their government is barely six months old.
Then there are the new populists, several PD old-timers, and plenty of other establishment figures, including several former members of the constitutional court, who generally fear change.
For now, EU governments’ coordinated fiscal stimulus has deprived
populists
of their usual charge that the EU is indifferent to the fate of individuals.
How
Populists
Win When They LoseVIENNA – Today, it appears that every single election in Europe can be reduced to one central question: “Is it a win or a loss for populism?”
To be sure, both Farage and Trump are populists, but not because they criticize elites.
What distinguishes
populists
is their claim that they alone represent the “real people” or “the silent majority.”
For populists, an election is never just about opposing policy views; it is about the personal corruption, immorality, and fundamental illegitimacy of all other contenders for power.
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