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Political in sentence

22739 examples of Political in a sentence

And Afghanistan, which under the Taliban prohibited women's participation in political or civic life, was and is a member of the Convention on the Political Rights of Women.
To what extent should political leaders see their role narrowly, in terms of promoting the interests of their citizens, and to what extent should they be concerned with the welfare of people everywhere?
But, it might be said, the abstract ethical idea that all humans are entitled to equal consideration cannot govern the way we look at the duties of a political leader.
There is no world political community.
But as long as that remains a lofty idea without political substance, our leaders will feel that they must give some degree of priority to the interests of their own citizens.
Beneath the Arab political revolutions lies a deeper and longer process of radical change that is sometimes called the information revolution.
Political leaders enjoy fewer degrees of freedom before they must respond to events, and must then communicate not only with other governments, but with civil society as well.
The result has been an escalating political and humanitarian crisis – and increasingly heated debate about how to address it.
Orthodoxy has always upheld the sacred rights of the creditor; political necessity has frequently demanded relief for the debtor.
Creditors, asserting their right to be repaid in full, historically have created as many legal and political obstacles to default as possible, insisting on harsh sanctions – garnishment of income, for example, and, at the extreme, imprisonment or even slavery – for borrowers’ failure to honor their debt obligations.
How to do this and maintain freedom of enterprise is one of the great unsettled questions of political economy.
During moments of political transition – a military victory, for example – the emperor might designate a special “era name” to help celebrate the good news.
Or the court might test out a new era name after a political debacle, in an effort to wipe the slate clean.
One must go back to the Qing Dynasty (1644-1912) and its 60-year era of “heavenly flourishing” ( Qianlong ) in the eighteenth century to find a comparable period of coherent political and economic policy.
The era of “reform and opening” has outlived its “emperor” by more than a decade, and has been the common thread running through transfers of political authority from Deng to Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao.
And, at least so far, the boom has not induced the systemic political changes for which many hoped.
So, once again, Europe’s security must top our political agenda.
This new confrontation, however, is not defined by antagonism between communism and capitalism, but by a dispute over social and political order – a dispute about freedom, democracy, the rule of law and human rights – as well as by a struggle for geopolitical spheres of influence.
We adopted the necessary measures to provide military reassurance, and at the same time reaffirmed our political responsibility for cooperative security in Europe.
This is related to the final document’s most significant lacuna: political reform.
Ultimately, it is the responsibility of political leaders to protect consumers from collusion and price-fixing.
Second, a market economy needs strong political and legal institutions to protect property rights and competition.
Such institutions are difficult to build from scratch, and doing so is not merely a technocratic task; it requires political change.
But they also knew that these institutions would work effectively only if there was political demand for them – and that this could come only from private owners, a critical mass of which thus had to be created as soon as possible.
In short, the third main lesson of Russia’s transition is that state capitalism does not work (at least not without a strong meritocratic political party, as in China).
The evidence of corruption produced by Navalny, and the nickname he gave to Putin’s political party, United Russia (the “party of crooks and thiefs”), was perhaps the single most important factor underlying United Russia’s loss of its parliamentary majority in December’s general election.
Whatever happens in the March 2012 presidential elections, the political mobilization of the middle class will eventually lead to democratization.
We need only muster the political will to act.
But other countries have political constraints, too.
Most politicians know that sound economics would call for these benefits to be eliminated; but those who complain the loudest that the government must not pick corporate winners and losers seem to be the least able to summon the political will to act.
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